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Andrew Boff: what I would do as a Conservative London Mayor

The process for selecting a Conservative candidate to run for London Mayor in 2020 is now underway. A shortlist of three is scheduled to be drawn up next Saturday, from which Tory members will eventually select their challenger to the incumbent, Sadiq Khan. London Assembly Member Andrew Boff, who has been shortlisted before, has been compiling policy ideas he would seek to implement should he become the boss of City Hall in two years’ time. Although a work-in-progress, he has been kind enough to share it with On London readers.

Candidates from every party seeking to become London Mayor in 2020 can be expected to say, in one way or another, that our beloved city has become divided, expensive and increasingly violent. Here are some – though not all – the solutions to those problems that will be put in place #WhenBoffIsMayor:

#CrowdedHouses
The are 350,000 young people being brought up in overcrowded conditions in London. This creates enormous obstacles to their educational and social development, as well as leading to poorer health outcomes. Despite knowing this, Mayor Khan has abandoned targets for larger family-sized homes. It is nothing short of a disgrace. I will restore and enhance those targets.

#BedroomsNotDoors
Current housing targets count front doors. This creates incentives to build smaller homes when London, overwhelmingly, needs large ones. Housing targets will be expressed as numbers of bedrooms, not front doors.

#NoPoorDoors
The social divisions in London are not helped by new developments that avoid mixing tenures by having separate entrance doors for the wealthy and the poor. Under a Boff mayoralty, the London Plan will reject mixed tenure developments that segregate social classes.

#NoMoreTowerBlocks
Every new tower block is a symbol of how our city has contempt for the needs of its citizens. More traditional and popular development typologies, such as suggest by Create Streets and others, will be favoured and the word “beauty” will be brought into the London Plan. Apart from in five established high-rise areas, no new residential development will exceed six storeys.

#SelfBuildRevolution
The UK has one of the smallest self-build rates in Europe. Some people may be able to get hold of enough money for the build, but not for the cost of the plot. If first-time self-builders can find a plot of unallocated land owned by the Greater London Authority (GLA) and secure planning permission to build on it, they will given the plot with the value of the land paid back only after any subsequent sale.

#SprintNotaMarathon
We need to pick up the pace of housing developments. I will appoint a commission to radically accelerate the use of attractive, energy efficient modular housing in London.

#MakeLondonBigger 

The political boundary of London is nowhere near the size of its economic footprint. National government will be lobbied for the GLA boundary to include its travel to work area.

#SaveLivesLegalise
The prohibition law on cannabis means that gangsters control its supply, resulting in turf wars that have resulted in increasing violence. Young people are suffering permanent psychological damage as a result of the unregulated distribution of high potency cannabis. Under a Boff mayoralty, the GLA will prepare the case for regulating cannabis in order to help win the war against criminal gangsters.

#DirectDemocracy
The GLA is 18 years old. It is about time our democracy became an adult and recognised that the world’s most sophisticated electorate can be trusted. Therefore, upon presenting a petition numbering 10% of Londoners – 20% if online – on any policy or issue within the Mayor’s area of competence, a binding referendum will be held.

Categories: Comment

Sharon Ament: the Great Exhibition was London’s greatest idea

Sharon Ament is director of the Museum of London. This article was written for Centre For London’s London Ideas project and appears in the first edition of London Ideas magazineOn London is delighted to re-republish it.

For something so fantastical and ephemeral, the Great Exhibition of 1851 has left a remarkable national legacy, both intellectual and physical. The great museums of South Kensington were founded from its profits; a whole chunk of Sydenham was named after the building it was held in; it inspired a series of international world fairs; and it showcased the talents of great engineers and artists. It even had dinosaurs!

It seems we British like a good day out looking at amazing stuff. Other moments of extrovert optimism have followed in the form of national gatherings that excite awe and wonder: the Festival of Britain 100 years later was a worthy successor, the Millennium Dome perhaps less so.

The 1851 Great Exhibition (proper title: Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations) developed out of discussions between Prince Albert, Consort of Queen Victoria, and members of The Royal Society of Arts. The designer and inventor Sir Henry Cole, who would become the first director of the Victoria & Albert Museum, was instrumental in bringing everything together with lightning speed and on a grand scale.

It took nine months to build the extraordinary Crystal Palace, engineered by Joseph Paxton. The Exhibition, which ran for six months, was self-financing and highly profitable, and epitomised the energy and creativity of our greatest industrial age. It was international: it showcased the latest technologies, ideas, inventions and artistic creations; it was spectacular and galvanising.

For me, the great beauty of the idea was the decision to invest the profits in establishing institutions that furthered its aims and principles, and which now line the aptly named Exhibition Road.

More than 12 million people visit the Science Museum, the Natural History Museum and the V&A every year, and the museums’ international and scholastic output is phenomenal. Imperial College, the Royal College of Art and the Royal College of Music all became part of this nexus of institutions in South Kensington.

The body set up to distribute the profits along charitable lines still exists. The Royal Commission for the Exhibition of 1851, which aims to “increase the means of industrial education and extend the influence of science and art upon productive industry”, still gives grants, operating out of Imperial.

A colleague of mine, Alex Werner, has written about the Great Exhibition as a vehicle for peace and internationalism, grounded as it was in the beliefs that free trade and economic competition could overcome nationalism and territorial ambition, and that science and technology could improve lives. I am certainly all for science, technology, and internationalism over territorial ambition.

The whole thing was rather egalitarian, with innovative demand-driven ticket pricing: it cost five shillings to visit on Saturdays, with a more popular weekday shilling ticket. 6,039,722 people visited the Great Exhibition, a third of the entire population of Britain and nearly three times that of London. It was so successful that George Cruikshank lampooned it in a cartoon showing Manchester devoid of people, all of them presumably in London.

A huge array of objects was shown and, to this day, two particularly resonate with me. One is a technologically advanced corset made by Madame Roxey Ann Caplin, a staymaker of Berners Street, who, with her husband, invented and patented many improvements to corsets between 1838 and 1860. This is now in the collection of the Museum of London and is an extraordinary reminder of how much women’s bodies were controlled.

The others are the dinosaurs, designed to the specifications of the then scientific theories of Sir Richard Owen. These reconstructions of prehistoric creatures now inhabit an island in Crystal Palace Park. Sir Richard’s theory about the physiology of dinosaurs was wrong: his reconstructions remain a testament to the ever-changing process of science itself, in which hypothesis and theory is tested and changed over time with new evidence. This glorious group of life-size but wrongly configured creatures tantalises our imagination and embodies the fluidity of ideas.

Opposite the Royal Albert Hall, the Albert Memorial shows the man himself, Prince Albert, with an Exhibition catalogue in his hand, its statistics enshrined in the stonework alongside him. Wandering back down Exhibition Road you can see the institutions founded to embody the Great Exhibition’s ideals, as well as the many students, visitors and academics who visit them every day – making it, to my mind, London’s greatest idea.

Read the rest of London Ideas magazine here. See what’s on at the Museum of London here and learn about its new home in Smithfield market here. And why not follow Sharon Ament on Twitter too?

Categories: Comment

Haringey: ‘Corbyn Council’ housing goals at risk if it scraps Lendlease development deal

Haringey’s new Labour-run council could miss its house building targets, damage its own finances and possibly face legal action if it ditches plans to form a property development company formulated by the previous Labour administration, according to a report to be considered by its cabinet next week.

The 150-page document, compiled by Haringey housing officers, describes the potential implications for the council of abandoning the Haringey Development Vehicle, a 50:50 joint venture company the now former council leadership had been on the point of setting up with regeneration company Lendlease before it was ousted effectively before 3 May’s borough elections by a de-selection campaign supported by prominent members of the new cabinet.

The report says that “the discontinuation of the HDV” could cause “a reduction in the number of new homes” or a delay in their delivery in Haringey, resulting in the borough falling short of the target set for it in Sadiq Khan’s draft New London Plan of 1,958 new dwellings a year and failing the housing delivery test recently set by the government in a revision to its National Planning Policy Framework. The report notes that “persistent under-delivery” can result in the government taking over the council’s planning powers (page 41, paragraph 6.42).

It adds that abandoning the HDV “may have an impact on the Council’s ability to attract investment and/or delivery support from external partners in the future,” deterring potential alternative private sector partners and putting off financial investors “even where a direct relationship with the Council isn’t envisaged”. The report concludes that “these risks can be managed to some extent by maintaining a strong public commitment to the value and importance of investment but cannot likely be managed away entirely” (paragraph 6.44).

The HDV was expected to generate 6,400 new homes in Wood Green, Tottenham and Muswell Hill, 40% of them affordable. Haringey currently has over 9,000 households on its housing waiting list. The council’s civic centre, some of its offices, its commercial properties and housing estates were earmarked for redevelopment under the plans which were forecast to generate nearly £300m for the council as well as increased long term commercial, Council Tax and business rates income following successive reductions in grant from central government.

A total of £8m would have been invested by the HDV in skills and other community investment programmes, with a further £20m from Lendlease itself to pay for a new shops and open spaces and a new school serving residents of a demolished and rebuilt Northumberland Park estate (paragraphs 6.38-6.40).

The report to the cabinet reproduces two recent letters from Lendlease Europe chief executive Dan Labbad, setting out the company’s position on the HDV project since the change of council leadership. The first, dated 4 July, argues that the “great deal of in built flexibility” in the HDV plan means the model could be adapted to help the new council meet its housing goals, including through a housing company which the council would wholly own (a policy the cabinet is to discuss separately (pages 187-204) and urges the council to “fully consider its options regarding the way forward”.

The second letter, dated 9 July, warns that should the cabinet decide to “attempt to reverse our appointment as the successful bidder” for the HDV contract “we will have no choice but to seek to protect Lendlease’s interests, given our very significant investment over the last two and a half years”. Labbad adds that “it is important in reviewing the HDV at the Cabinet on 17 July, the Council does not take any step which infringes or damages Lendleases’s rights” and that it “must follow due process in fully and properly considering its obligations arising from this procurement” and is “obliged to act rationally” in view of its need for additional housing – a reference to a legal requirement of local authorities.

Lendlease was selected as Haringey’s “preferred bidder” in February 2017. The report to the cabinet says this was undertaken in accordance with public contracts regulations and (paragraph 6.11) that the council is “able to discontinue the process and determine not to award the contract to the preferred bidder”. It further states (paragraph 6.26) that under an agreement between the council and Lendlease, the sum of £520,275 “will now need to repaid to Lendlease”. Further discussion of the “legal risks and implications” of what the cabinet wants to do is contained a separate, unpublished part of the report which the cabinet will consider in private.

The “cabinet member introduction to the report”, which was written by council leader Joseph Ejiofor, says “this final decision that the HDV will not now go ahead” builds on election commitments to “set a new direction for the Council”. It expresses gratitude to Lendlease for its interest in Haringey and states that the decision is neither a reflection on the quality of the company’s work on the HDV project or “their desirability as a partner”. Ejiofor explains the new administration takes a different view from its predecessor of the balance between the “risks and demerits” and “the benefits” of the HDV (page 27, section 2).

Ejiofor became Haringey’s new leader after the 3 May elections, which were preceded by a Labour council candidate reselection process which saw the replacement of many sitting councillors who supported the HDV plan, including erstwhile cabinet member for housing and regeneration Alan Strickland. Former leader Claire Kober was reselected, but later chose to stand down as a councillor.

Stop HDV is led by members of Momentum, the group formed to support the leadership of the Labour Party by Jeremy Corbyn, bolstered by activists from other political parties and aggressive coverage by the Guardian. Ejiofor is a member of Momentum’s national coordinating committee and was formerly Kober’s deputy. His opposition to the HDV has been criticised by Stop HDV as “a bit spotty”. Deputy leader Emine Ibrahim, who is also cabinet member for housing and estate renewal, is Momentum national vice chair.

Stop HDV, which described the joint venture plan as a “privatisation” which would lead to “social cleansing”, was central to the successful campaign to de-select Labour councillors who failed to oppose the HDV. This enabled to the formation of the new administration, which has been characterised by one local Labour member as the nation’s first “Corbyn Council”. Stop HDV, which claims that “the people of Haringey” removed Kober as council leader, has called for a rally to “celebrate the ending of the HDV”.

Update, 15:32. This article originally wrongly attributed the report’s cabinet member introduction to Emine Ibrahim. Apologies.

Categories: News

Westminster to proceed with Oxford Street plans without Transport for London cash

Westminster Council is to start work on its alternative to pedestrianising Oxford Street without using £400,000 from Transport for London (TfL) it had initially earmarked towards the cost, following objections from London Mayor Sadiq Khan.

A budget of £727,000 was agreed by the council’s cabinet on Monday, coming entirely from its own funds, to develop what it calls a “place-based strategy” for the street and its surrounding areas, having “decided to “take the full scale pedestrianisation of Oxford Street off the table as an option”.

The Conservative-run borough announced shortly before the borough elections on 3 May that it intended to pull the plug on a pedestrianisation scheme it had been putting together over the preceding two years in partnership with TfL, Khan’s then deputy mayor for transport Valerie Shawcross, the Oxford Street area’s major retailers and others.

Khan, who made an election manifesto pledge to “work with Westminster Council, local businesses, Transport for London and taxis to pedestrianise Oxford Street” reacted strongly to Westminster – which is the authority that controls and has responsibility for Oxford Street – pulling the plug on the scheme, calling it a “betrayal” and telling Westminster leader Nickie Aitken by letter that no TfL money could be spent “without prior discussion and agreement”.

Aitken has replied, saying “I would like to reiterate to you, and all Londoners, Westminster City Council’s absolute commitment to bringing forward ambitious plans that will improve and future proof Oxford Street and the surrounding district for many generations to come,” but also asserting that it is “unquestionably apparent” that “the majority of Westminster residents who responded to previous consultations, as well as a significant number of businesses, did not support the proposals to pedestrianise Oxford Street.”

Describing pedestrianisation as “a limited proposal”, she contrasted it with her wish for “an ambitious and coherent district wide scheme” which would “protect and enhance our iconic neighbourhoods such as Soho, Fitzrovia and Marylebone.” Some residents in those areas and others had expressed concerns that traffic would be displaced in their streets, something TfL disputes.

Labour won its first ever council seat in West End ward in May, with its candidates there taking the side of unhappy residents against the plans of the Labour Mayor. Thier success has confirmed the view of some interested parties that political considerations played a part in Westminster’s change of heart.

It is believed that respected public realm and urban design specialists Publica are to work on Westminster’s new project, which is timetabled to produce options for public consultation in November.

Photograph from Visit London.

Categories: News

Vic Keegan’s Lost London 49: the Thames foreshore

Few things are taken more for granted by Londoners than the foreshore of the River Thames. It is lost not only in memory but also in real time twice daily as the tidal river rises and falls by seven metres to cover up the foreshore completely. It is reckoned to be the longest archeological site in any capital city. 

Mudlarks – who have to be registered – regularly find fragments of history there, from pipes to pottery still washed up on the banks each day. More importantly, the Museum of London, aided by volunteers, has been uncovering thousands of artefacts and mapping amazing archaeological treasures from Teddington to Greenwich and beyond. Watch the clip below for some examples.

If you are watchful about rising tides and wear appropriate footwear, you can go down some of the regular steps to the foreshore and rummage among the historic fragments, some of which may have been washed up that very day. But there are rules about what you can take away and it might be better to go on one of the fascinating walks organised by the Thames Discovery Programme. I wrote this poem after one such walk.

Observe, twice daily; the angry sea drives

The Thames back upstream then quickly subsides

Straining the banks that can barely cope

Shaking the foreshore like a kaleidoscope

Leaving freshly churned history on the beach

Medieval pipes, bricks, tiles, shards each

Could tell a story if only it could speak

Who last smoked this pipe? What mansion unknown

Was stealthily stripped of this half-hewn stone

Who built by Vauxhall bridge those submerged posts

Which emerge like 7,000 year old ghosts

And then only at the lowest of low tides

But of the gems the Thames so deftly hides

Watch your step you might be treading we’re told

On micraster fossils a million years old

Curated by the river over the centuries

By this, our Thames, free museum of memories.

Previous instalments of Vic Keegan’s Lost London can be found here. His book of London poems can be bought here.

 

Categories: Culture, Lost London

Richard Brown: a New London Mix can get London’s new places right

For 20 years or longer, mixed use has been an article of faith in urban planning. The best places, the argument goes, are not sterile and segregated commercial and residential districts, but those that mix live, work and leisure activities, creating vitality around the clock and minimising the need to travel around the city.

But like many articles of faith, belief in mixed use has been professed more than practiced. Many new housing developments cloak themselves in the language of mixed use, only to provide some rather apologetic ground floor retail units, which may be picked up by a convenience store or stand empty until they can be flipped to residential.

Meanwhile, London’s stock of workspace is being steadily eroded. Big industrial areas – which house “bad neighbour” uses like aggregate yards, car breakers, waste and recycling – have been eaten away three times faster than planned in recent years. Sadiq Khan’s draft New London Plan proposes tightening protections for strategic sites, but smaller scale workspace – studios, light industrial, storage, food processing – is still vulnerable to being squeezed out, draining character from those neighbourhoods and pushing up rents in industrial areas as it relocates.

Can we tackle London’s housing crisis without creating high density dormitories in London’s districts? Can we provide for flexible workspace across the city?

Places that Work, a new report prepared by GVA, Architecture 00 and Real Urbanism, with support from Centre for London, argues that we can. Some industrial activities will never mix well with residential, but many can sit happily alongside or underneath it in what the report calls New London Mix.  And in most areas of London, New London Mix makes commercial as well as planning sense, accommodating both homes and workspaces, while delivering reasonable returns to developers.

A few good examples, like Travis Perkins’ trade counter with student housing above at King’s Cross, are cited. But they invite the question, why aren’t more models coming forward? The principal problem is one of compartmentalisation within the worlds of property investment and development: commercial developers work in different teams, with different business models and different clients from residential developers, and anything that mixes the two looks risky. And anything that looks too risky gets squeezed out in a highly competitive market.

The report makes recommendations to help move New London Mix from the margins to the mainstream. Rather than expecting residential developers to manage commercial space, the Mayor and boroughs together with operators and investors should set up Local Economic Growth Companies [LEGCOs].

These companies, in many cases not-for-profits loosely based on the model of housing associations, could specify, take over and manage commercial space from residential developers, much as housing associations take on affordable housing from commercial housebuilders. Following the same model, LEGCOs could mix rents and levels of support provided, using commercial rents to cross-subsidise sub-market rents and business support to help start-ups to find their feet.

Alongside these new structures an investment fund could help develop and prove the viability of early projects, planners could encourage the adoption of New London Mix, and demonstration projects could prove not only commercial viability, but social and economic vitality in London’s newest neighbourhoods.

To ensure success in times of economic uncertainty and rapid technological change, London needs adaptable employment space as well as homes, workshops as well as logistics sheds and scrappy studios as well as smooth office blocks. New London Mix offers a model of development that can meet these needs, and in doing so create places with vitality, resilience and personality.

Richard Brown is research director of Centre for London. The Places That Work report can be read here. Photo from Cooley Architects, designers of the Travis Perkins/student housing development.

Categories: Comment

Westminster: Labour’s West End councillor on developers, Soho and siding with Mayfair residents over Oxford Street

On the astroturf surface of the Mayfair roof cafe, customers in deckchairs watch Wimbledon on a big screen and the Labour politician who represents residents of the most expensive square on the Monopoly board explains how he made history by winning a council seat there on 3 May.

“I think people wanted to see change and felt the council wasn’t on their side,” says Pancho Lewis, the 30 year-old communications consultant who is the first Labour councillor ever to represent West End ward on Westminster City Council. “They felt it was instead on the side of very, very privileged people who have interests in property development here.”

It seems indisputable that Lewis’s win and Labour’s performance in West End as a whole reflected a growing disquiet over the speed and nature of change in the physical and cultural environment in a part of Central London where local character and quality of life undoubtedly feel to many to be under siege.

Lewis finished second in a contest that proved ferociously tight in a ward that, on paper, barely qualified as marginal. Labour’s West End team worked hard on lending empathetic ears to the concerns of those who live in Mayfair, its rackety neighbour Soho and, to the north of Oxford Street, the Westminster part of Fitzrovia. He received 984 votes, just six fewer than poll-topping Conservative Tim Barnes and just 11 more than the winner of the third seat, Tory incumbent Jonathan Glanz.

His two fellow Labour candidates finished a close fourth (947 votes) and fifth (927) and the third Tory runner a trailing sixth (868), probably self-harmed by a remark on Twitter that will have looked decidedly homophobic to many even if, as she insisted, it wasn’t meant that way. Before all that, the Conservative candidate selection process for West End had looked unhappy to put it mildly.

Another factor in Labour’s unprecedentedly good showing, Lewis says, was that its West End team activated a dormant local Labour vote whose existence is easy to overlook. The elevated location for our meeting, the Brown Hart Gardens terrace on top of the former Duke Street electricity substation, recently refurbished by Grosvenor, is surrounded by resolutely red brick Peabody mansion blocks, such as Stalbridge Flats on Lumley Street. “We were knocking on doors in this area and finding there hadn’t been any significant political activity from Labour for years.”

And then there was the trouble over Oxford Street. Westminster Labour old hands had whispered hopes that single candidates from the campaign against its pedestrianisation might erode Tory support in the three wards they fought, which included West End. There, the campaign’s Ronald Whelan took a significant 291 votes, which might have helped the Labour cause, with Lewis and colleagues coming out firmly against the pedestrianisation programme that had been worked out by the council, the big retailers, the Mayor’s deputy for transport, Transport for London and others over the two years since Sadiq Khan became Mayor.

What prompted these Labour activists to oppose a major policy initiative by a Labour Mayor that had looked like succeeding where attempts by previous Mayors to bring about the transformation of the capital’s most famous – and famously smogged and clogged – retail avenue had failed? Was their stance driven by principle or a mere ploy to get on the right side of a nimby-ish electorate?

Lewis, a former parliamentary researcher and social enterprise leader with a particular interest in fostering public engagement, insists his position was motivated by listening hard to those he wished to represent. Though critical of the council for pulling the plug on the plan without even informing TfL or  Mayor Khan, he says, that with a scheme of such a size, “at the end of the day you need to provide reassurance to people who live in the area that it’s not going to ruin their lives. Ultimately, both the council and TfL failed to do that.”

Khan and TfL see things differently. The Mayor’s annoyance was expressed first by a vow not to “walk away from Oxford Street” after Westminster’s “betrayal” and then in a terse letter to the council referring to its published intention to spend £400,000 of local implementation plan (LIP) funding from TfL on developing an alternative “place based” approach and warning that “no TfL funding of any sort is to be used without prior discussion and agreement.” Khan was not amused that over £8m of TfL’s money had already gone into the original scheme.

At TfL, the response has been a mixture of hopes – as yet unfulfilled – of what one senior figure calls an “outbreak of sanity” and bafflement that a joint project which, in TfL’s eyes, had involved remarkably few trade-offs between the different interested parties and, it insists, would have resulted in no dispersal of traffic down residential streets while delivering benefits including much better air quality, was so abruptly publicly rejected – albeit a bafflement diluted by a weary recognition that a relatively new Tory leadership was getting jumpy about losing seats.

Lewis, though, sticks by what he was hearing on the streets and doorsteps. “If you spend weeks on end talking to people, asking them what they are worried about and this is the number one thing they keep coming up with, you start to listen. And if there are legitimate concerns, any reasonable person would say, actually this isn’t right.” Along with local critics of the pedestrianisation plans, he contends that neither the council nor TfL “displayed any convincing evidence that there wasn’t going to be displacement of traffic. TfL said their modelling showed there wouldn’t be, but they were never very transparent about where that modelling came from”.

The council’s cabinet is due to consider its own proposals and its next steps will be followed closely. Oxford Street is Westminster’s street, not TfL’s, but undertaking major local public realm changes of any kind inevitably entails co-operation with the Mayor’s transport agency, which stood ready to put tens of millions into the rejected pedestrianisation and is, by the way, in charge of Westminster’s traffic lights too. Some sort of reconciliation looks essential if any form of significant revision of current traffic arrangements is to take place any time soon. And specific provision for the opening of the Elizabeth Line in December will not wait.

Pancho Lewis will be one of the keenest watchers of what happens next and doing so in the wider context of the West End’s evolution. Worries that Soho and other parts of the area are losing their distinctiveness and pockets of calm through standardisation and over-development are not new, but the recent escalation of development pressures – and, for some, opportunities – has added to their intensity.

Lewis is alive to this and the apparent willingness among very affluent Mayfair people to change their voting habits as way of expressing their dislike of the grip those Lewis characterises as the neoliberal super rich seems to have taken on council policy. He describes the relationship former deputy leader Robert Davis had with major developers as “absolutely disgraceful” and opposes, for example, possible increased use of Grosvenor Square for commercial events: “At the moment, it’s a lovely square – really quiet and it feels like a safe haven from all the noise nearby, as if you’re stepping back in time.” He’s unhappy at what he calls “new hotels springing up left, right and centre”. Plans have recently been approved for one to replace the Film House building on Wardour Street, home to a warren of post-production and other creative enterprises that have maintained the long standing local film industry link.

It isn’t hard to sympathise. It is harder, though, to define what might practically be done to prevent such eviscerations with the local planning powers available – to bring about a better balance between continuity and change in such a crucible of ultra-prime real estate. Lewis recognises that there is “no silver bullet solution” to the issue, but insists that the Conservatives “can and should be doing a lot of things differently”. His voice will be important in the coming years if that is to come about.

 

Categories: Analysis, Culture

London’s World Cup Pride 2018

Yesterday, Saturday 7 July 2018, will be remembered by many Londoners for a long time: Pride filled the streets from Portland Place to Whitehall; followers of England’s World Cup adventures filled front rooms and pubs across the capital to watch the team win their quarter final against Sweden; sunshine blazed throughout. An exceptional day felt the more so for following the Prime Minister’s hard-won agreement about the government’s approach to Brexit and for coming exactly 13 years after a very different 7 July in London – 7 July 2005, when 52 people were killed in a hideous Islamist terror attack.

The alignments and juxtapositions of past and present, joy and horror, progress and uncertainty formed by these collectively felt events won’t have been lost on Sadiq Khan, whose programme for the day contained honouring the dead of 7/7 before slipping into his Fred Perry to celebrate Pride and then settling down in front of the football.

There is much more to any London Mayor’s job than what he (or, one day surely, she) stands for culturally, but it matters. The symbolism of Khan, the socially liberal practicing Muslim son of Pakistani immigrants from modest beginnings, winning City Hall in the face of a scaremongering campaign by his main opponents two years ago is still powerful in this city, fortifying the spirits of its Labour-voting, Remain majority – while probably taking its mind off some of the Mayor’s very real problems too – and personifying the most optimistic version of the modern day London story.

It is tempting to take from yesterday a little more London self-esteem than is wise or merited: this year’s Pride looks to have been a delight, but a rise in homophobic incidents recorded by the Met shows that the capital is not as safe as we would wish it to be; members of the England set-up born in London, brought up in London, playing for London clubs – including manager Gareth Southgate, once of Crystal Palace – and even all three form a big presence in the England team and contribute to a multi-ethnic mix that has not always been taken for granted, but a few oafs still had to make nuisances of themselves in Stratford in the name of patriotism; London is still an open city, but terror strikes still menace us, including from within; meanwhile, the prospect of Brexit continues to create a sense of nervous limbo – who can really know for sure how it will affect the future of the capital and its people?

All that said, 7 July 2018 was not a bad day to be a Londoner. The photo at the top of this piece is of the shopfront of my local dry cleaner, which is run by Londoners of Turkish descent. The flag and the message speak very clearly for themselves.

Categories: Comment, Culture