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Mayor’s ‘active travel’ programme has ‘a lot more to do’ as Londoners’ activity levels fall

While public transport in London has been hit hard as a result of pandemic restrictions, active travel by foot or by bike, has also seen a decline, the London Assembly health committee has been told.

“Overall physical activity is lower,” City Hall walking and cycling commissioner Will Norman (pictured) told the committee yesterday as it began an inquiry into healthy living in the capital. “We are making progress, but if I am completely honest there’s a lot further to go and a lot more to do.”

A report for the committee cited Transport for London research revealing almost half of Londoners saying cycling is “not for people like me” and 24% saying they did not have enough time to walk.

The figures underlined the challenges facing City Hall and TfL in meeting the Mayor’s ambition, set out in his transport and health inequalities strategies, for all Londoners to “do at least the 20 minutes of active travel they need to stay healthy each day” by 2041.

Before Covid the proportion of Londoners meeting the target had increased from 38% in 2017/18 to 42% in 2019/20. But recent figures show those levels falling during the period of pandemic restrictions, to 35% in 2020/21.

The continuing reduction in numbers using public transport was itself a factor, Norman said, because some 50% of walking in the capital formed part of a longer journey including bus or Tube travel, with a public transport trip including on average some eight to 12 minutes of physical activity.

The impact of inactivity on older and disabled Londoners in particular, affecting strength, balance and overall mobility,  was highlighted by Alison Gordon from Age UK Enfield, while City Hall public health director Vicky Hobart stressed the health benefits of keeping active. “If physical activity was a drug we would refer to it as a miracle cure,” she said.

Despite the recent funding settlement agreed between the government and TfL, budgets remain tight, Norman said. Before TfL’s spending plans were hit by the pandemic, £230 million had been budgeted for promoting active travel. But the latest deal had seen that total reduced to £149 million.

With £69 million of that total earmarked for the boroughs, which between them control 95% of the capital’s roads, councils had a major role to play, Norman added. “Cabinet lead members probably have more power to address health inequalities than the Secretary of State does.”

Questioned by Conservative Assembly member Emma Best, Norman defended the estimated £200 million cost of the expansion of the capital’s ultra low emission zone to cover the whole of the city, planned for next August. “It’s not an either/or. It’s all part of a holistic approach,” he said.

The often controversial low traffic neighbourhood (LTN) road closures and diversions introduced by councils across the capital had also been successful, Norman added. “I can’t think of an intervention that delivers more significantly for active travel.”

Meanwhile TfL has announced 500 new e-bikes available for hire as part of the Santander cycle scheme, with Mayor Khan saying they would play an important role in “breaking down some of the barriers that prevent Londoners from getting on a bike, whether that be fitness, age or length of journey”.

The continuing pressure on TfL budgets was highlighted with a separate  announcement of new “safety critical” 7.5 tonne weight restrictions on the A41 flyover crossing the North Circular Road at Brent Cross from next Tuesday. Negotiations are underway with the Department of Transport to secure up to £50 million for full renewal work, TfL said.

The health committee meeting can be viewed in full here.

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Categories: News

Crime: Home Office data show London has country’s lowest rate of violence against the person

The capital is the safest region in England in terms acts of violence against individuals according to government figures, as new Conservative Prime Minister Liz Truss continues to criticise Sadiq Khan over crime.

Home Office data reported by the BBC show that for the year ending March 2022 the rate of crimes categorised as “violence against the person” in the capital was 27 per 1,000 people, compared with 44 per 1,000 in the North West region – the highest rate in England – and between 31 and 43 per thousand in every other region except the South West with 28 per thousand.

Screenshot 2022 10 06 at 10.30.41

Truss has made a series of attacks on the Labour Mayor both during her campaign to be elected her party’s new leader and since winning it to become PM. At the final campaign hustings, held in Wembley, she told LBC presenter Nick Ferrari Khan is not “prepared to be tough on crime” and yesterday told him streets in London are not “safe enough” and “I want to see the London Mayor do more to tackle crime in the capital”.

During her leadership campaign, Truss praised the right-wing television channel GB News, whose presenters have claimed that violent crime in London is “spreading like wildfire” and characterised the capital as “Khan’s lawless London”, telling one of its stars at a hustings in Manchester, “GB News is not the BBC, you know – you guys actually get your facts right”.

As On London has reported, Metropolitan Police figures for the more specific category of violent crime “with injury” in the capital have varied only fractionally for the past five years, going both slightly up and slightly down during that period. Violent offences with or without injury have risen in the year ending August 2022 compared with the previous 12  months.

Truss’s chief of staff, Mark Fullbrook, was in charge of the unsuccessful campaign by Conservative Zac Goldsmith to win the mayoralty in 2016, when Khan prevailed by a wide margin. Tactics included suggesting to Hindu and Sikh Londoners that Khan, a Muslim, had secret plans to tax their jewellery, and were strongly criticised by some London Tories.

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Categories: News

Dave Hill: What next for the legacy of London 2012?

Ten years after the unanswerable sporting glories of London 2012, questions about the legacy of what we now call the Queen Elizabeth Olympic Park continue to be raised and  wrangled over. And so they should be: large regeneration promises were made, a lot of public money was invested, and people living in that part of east London, where four boroughs meet, endure some of the deepest and most stubborn poverty in the UK.

Progress so far can be measured in different ways. Ten years on, London’s Olympic Park beats the competition with Bolt-esque élan. Its facilities are used by the public, people are living there, it is an open space open to all. No other host city’s legacy comes close. It has been claimed that many of the changes to the area, including improved transport links, would have happened anyway. Not so. Winning the host city bid on that Singapore night in 2005 put rocket fuel in the clanking state machinery of infrastructure investment.

Plans for a swimming pool and new cycling facilities had been made, but not for creations as deluxe as the Aquatics Centre and the Lee Valley Velopark. The giant electricity pylons that stretched across the site would probably still be there. The Westfield shopping centre might not have been built, and the business quarter across the road would not exist. It is absurd that London had to win a competition to hold a big sporting event for these changes to take place, but it worked. Only ideologues and miserabilists want to turn back time.

The social and economic outcomes, especially for local people, are tricky to quantify. The host boroughs, renamed growth boroughs, set social and economic  “convergence” targets for elevating their residents’ quality of life to the London average, but it was hard to separate any Olympics effect from other forces of change: school exam results might have picked up regardless of the Games; young professional first time buyers might have been moving into Plaistow anyway, changing the income profile; the wounds of austerity “sabotaged” potential the Games had created, according to Newham’s Mayor of the time, Robin Wales.

What can be said with confidence is that the Lower Lea Valley and the derelict old Stratford railway lands no longer form a weary, contaminated backwater. It is wrong to say there was nothing of value there before, but the change has brought superb amenities, a cleaned and restored natural landscape, and a still unfolding story of renewal and possibility.

The former Olympic Stadium, now the rebuilt London Stadium home of West Ham, is costing the taxpayer too much to run – albeit less than it was – but at least it’s not a crock of tumbleweed. Here East, the technology and innovation campus fashioned from the Games time media buildings, is widely hailed as a success. The emerging East Bank – initially known as Olympicopolis, reflecting Boris Johnson’s designs on greatness – could be astounding, a culture and education cluster to rival South Ken.

East Bank is not the only way the Park legacy is still forming. In July, at a New London Architecture (NLA) event held at Here East, the London Legacy Development Corporation’s Rosanna Lawes, who has been a senior figure in the Olympics project since before Tony Blair’s government backed the bid, said the task for the next ten years will be to re-establish the land around the River Lea as the industrial corridor it once was and as a “centre for inclusive growth and innovation”.

Her LLDC colleague Emma Frost defined an ambition to “turn the Park into an urban testbed” involving partners from academia and property development addressing climate issues, health and movement in cities. “It’s crucial that we connect with the surrounding neighbourhoods,” she said, citing civic involvement as a key ingredient.

By the end of 2024 the boroughs will get their planning powers back from the LLDC, and they are looking to the future. Newham, which has the largest amount of land in the Park, including the East Bank and London Stadium sites, is already working on a new “Stratford vision” for the next ten years, the borough’s planning and development director Jane Custance said. Stratford station, though massively made over from the backwoods state it was in before a revamp in the mid-1990s, is now phenomenally busy and “desperately in need of further investment” as part of a larger programme of town centre improvements.

Waltham Forest, the borough with the smallest land stake in the Park, is anticipating the migration of New Spitalfields Market to Dagenham and the big things that could be done on the ground it will vacate. Others are looking at how to reduce the amount of roads still running through and past the Park, infrastructure Lawes described at the NLA event as necessary for the Games but “oversized” and “of its time”. Meanwhile, the proportion of affordable homes is going to rise thanks to the policies of Sadiq Khan.

The capital’s centre of gravity keeps moving eastwards, with the Queen Elizabeth Olympic Park a flagship draw. Spatial development seems certain to continue, albeit partially dependent on the attitudes of an unsteady national government. Perhaps the largest challenge will be the classic one with big regenerations – ensuring that change is tailored to the needs and desires of hard-pressed local people and persuading them to embrace it.

Dave Hill is the author of Olympic Park: When Britain Built Something Big. He will be a guest at a London Assembly public meeting tomorrow where the Olympic legacy and its future will be examined.

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Categories: Comment

Interview: London Higher’s Diana Beech on why and how the capital’s universities matter

The word “university” can signify separation from society, conjuring images of red brick palaces and remote dreaming spires. In London, reliably, such characterisations are often confounded by reality. Diana Beech, chief executive of London Higher which represents more than 40 of the city’s universities and higher education colleges, is at pains to emphasise how the sector is woven into the wider fabric of the capital, not least by simple virtue of its size.

“They collectively educate over 485,000 students,” she says of London Higher’s membership, when we meet at a café in Clerkenwell. “It’s a massive part the London population”. Part of Beech’s mission is for this presence to be more widely recognised. “They are an integral part of London society, and I really want to bring that out”. Not all of the 485,000 live within Greater London, but Beech says that most do, and, revealingly, that many are what she describes as “commuter students” – Londoners who live at home and travel daily to and from their place of higher learning in their city.

That is an indication both of the outlook of London’s universities and the composition of its student population. It is diverse in many ways and, Beech explains, encompasses “a lot of mature students, a lot from black and minority ethnic communities, people with caring commitments – all the reasons why you might not want to pack up your bags and go elsewhere”.

She underlines that she is “proud of the international students we attract”, but “those are local Londoners and there are a lot of local universities. If those universities weren’t here, there are a lot of Londoners who wouldn’t get a higher education because they’re not going to move anywhere else”. Beech stresses this with the rising cost of living much in mind. “Students across the country are really thinking, can I afford this, do I want to take on the extra burden? So students do have a bit more incentive to stay at home. I think we might be seeing a lot more local students.”

Her enthusiasm for universities being among what have become termed “anchor institutions” stems from impressive prior experience as an adviser to rapid succession of higher education ministers – from Sam Gyimah to Chris Skidmore to Jo Johnson and then, fleetingly, to Skidmore again. A steady theme amid the frantic the turnover was the report of the Civic University Commission, chaired by Bob Kerslake, which encouraged universities to do more for their localities.

Beech and London Higher’s commitment to its recommendations is manifested in the organisation’s civic map, released last year and frequently updated, which illustrates, says Beech, “that universities have their fingers in so many pies and really are such a force for good in their localities” through collaborations with businesses, sustainability and creative projects and with nearby and neighbouring communities: St George’s, University of London has a science engagement programme at Wandsworth Prison; Queen Mary University in Mile End collaborates in Bengali London cultural events; innovative Barking & Dagenham Council attracted a branch of the University of Coventry devoted to widening participation.

The value of building such bridges can only increase, Beech maintains, with demand for university places from statistically under-represented groups likely to increase in line with a boom in the number of young adults set to last until the mid-2030s. Such potential “first generation students” – people whose parents didn’t go to university – benefit from being shown that “this a place you can go to, you are accepted, you are the future.”

London Higher includes Access HE, a pan-London network body devoted to bringing new learners into the system. Its work includes helping to deliver the Sadiq Khan’s £44 million skills-building initiative in the creative industries.

Funding is, unsurprisingly, a “front and centre” issue for universities everywhere, Beech says. Student tuition fees have been frozen at a maximum of £9,250 a year since 2017, but inflation means the money does not spread as far. Former education secretary Gavin Williamson’s dazzling gift to the capital was that so-called London weighting would be ended in the name of “levelling up”.

Beech, writing about this decison for On London last year, noted – with impressive restraint – that the regulator for the higher education sector, the Office for Students had “confirmed that operating costs for universities remain higher in London than elsewhere”, effectively affirming that the case for London continuing to receive this assistance remained and that the cuts risked reducing London higher education to an “enclave for the wealthy”.

Rents are big, courses can be expensive, the cost of living has always been higher here. And yet, as Beech says, the axe fell “overnight, no preparation, no leeway and the universities had to handle a £64 million cut across London”. They have coped, “but it’s getting increasingly difficult now in the current environment we’re in. I hate to say this, but serious decisions are going to have to be made on some of those courses if they haven’t got enough students.” Those “first generation” students, who might need some extra help with adapting and thriving, could end up going without it.

Students from overseas are, perhaps paradoxically, a vital part of holding things together. A report for the Higher Education Policy Institute – for which Beech worked before being recruited by Gyimah – published last year said there had been over 70,000 first-year students alone enrolled in London higher education institutions in 2018/19 out of 254,000 in the UK as a whole.

In June, the House of Commons public accounts committee recognised their importance in the form of a rebuke for universities for relying on them too heavily. “Too many providers are too heavily dependent on overseas student fees to maintain their finances, research base and provision,” said Labour committee chair Meg Hillier, MP for Hackney South & Shoreditch. “That is not a satisfactory situation in a sector that government is leaning on to boost the nation’s notoriously, persistently low productivity.”

Beech, observing that the government not long ago set a strategic target for increasing international student numbers, looks at the issue differently: “I want to put our members in the forefront of upping this international student number. For all those reasons I’ve just explained, we need those international students to maintain the excellence of our higher education system for local Londoners.” London Higher will release an international education strategy for London next week.

Meanwhile, the Department for Education had come up with proposals which, Beech believes, would penalise disadvantaged Londoners. One suggests introducing a minimum exam grade requirement to be eligible for a student loan, reducing universities’ discretion when awarding places, their ability to assess a potential student in the round.

“That would exclude 40% of pupils who are on free school meals, almost 50% of black and ethnic minority Londoners and 86% of those with special educational needs,” Beech says. “There are lots of reasons why most disadvantaged students don’t get the grades – they don’t have the web access, they don’t have the study environments. It doesn’t mean they’re not intellectually capable.”

Beech was speaking shortly before the turmoil unleashed by new Prime Minister Truss and current higher education minister Andrea Jenkyns’s snorting remarks about metaphorical degrees in Harry Potter studies at the Conservative Party conference, which Beech has been attending.

What sort of policies and postures emerge from the wreckage of the Tories’ Birmingham gathering remains to be seen. Whatever they may be, London’s higher education sector has an impressive champion at a time when the city badly needs its many strengths.

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Categories: Analysis

Liz Truss: Polls show Conservatives now even further behind Labour in London

A bunch of opinion polls conducted in the past few days have shown Labour enjoying national leads over the Conservatives ranging from a commanding 17 percentage points to a jaw-dropping 33 points. What have these surveys told us about the Tories’ popularity in London?

Combining the responses of the five most recent polls for which regional breakdowns are available – they are by Redfield & Wilton, YouGov, Survation, People Polling and Opinium – produces a sample of over 1,000 people, the number needed for a statistically robust individual poll, and a gloomy picture of the party’s prospects in the capital as they presently stand.

Three weeks after former Greenwich councillor Liz Truss (pictured) became their leader on 5 September, the London data from these polls suggest Labour enjoying an massive average lead of 34.6 percentage points over the Tories in the capital, who enjoy the support of only 22.2% of Londoners compared with 56.8% who say they favour Labour.

This suggests a continuing deterioration in the Tories’ already weak position in the capital. Prior to May’s London borough elections there was discussion of whether the Conservative position could really become much worse, given how far behind Labour they already were. In the event, despite a net loss of only one council, they lost over 100 councils seats and, assessed using the same method as the Greater London Authority, secured just 26% of the overall vote compared with Labour’s share of 42.2% – a Labour advantage of 16.2 points.

This was a decline compared with the May 2021 elections for London Mayor and London Assembly members. The Tory mayoral candidate secured a bigger share of first preference votes than opinion polls had indicated with 35% compared with the Labour candidate’s 40% (though the gap widened to 10.4% after second preferences were added). More significantly in terms of support for parties rather than individuals, the shares of votes for the proportional representation element of the Assembly elections, were 38% for Labour compared with 31% for the Conservatives.

At the final hustings of the campaign to become Conservative leader, Truss told an audience of Tory members at Wembley that London is not inevitably “a Labour city”. But following the 23 September mini-budget or “fiscal event” of her Chancellor Kwasi Kwarteng and the costly market turmoil it generated, London is currently looking like an even more Labour-leaning city than it already was and Tories in even deeper decline in the capital.

Photo of Liz Truss from yesterday’s BBC interview with Laura Kuenssberg.

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Categories: Analysis

Charles Wright: As Old Oak regeneration makes progress, will it become a Liz Truss ‘investment zone’?

A decade on from the London 2012 Olympics there’s been an understandable focus on the record of the London Legacy Development Corporation taking forward the continuing regeneration of the east London site.

But things are moving over in west London too on the extensive, if unloved, lands around the huge HS2 station now under construction. There, plans for 25,500 new homes and 56,500 new jobs are being taken forward by City Hall’s other mayoral development corporation, Old Oak and Park Royal (OPDC).

With wide planning powers but no significant capital budget or land holdings of its own, the corporation hasn’t had an easy ride since it was established by the then Mayor Boris Johnson in 2015.

Less than a year ago OPDC chief executive David Lunts told the London Assembly that the “clock was ticking” on the scheme, with “serious questions” about whether plans for what has been called the largest regeneration site in the UK would actually ever be executed.

The OPDC was set up to piggy-back on the new Old Oak Common station, which has been billed as set to become the best connected ever built in the UK, linking HS2 to Heathrow and to Paddington via an Elizabeth Line station as well as to Wales and the south west of England.

But by the end of 2019 the scheme was faltering. Initial plans had been thrown out by a planning inspector and negotiations with major landowner Cargiant had acrimoniously collapsed, forcing the corporation to return £250 million in government housing infrastructure grants and go back to the drawing board.

Now, Lunts, who took over in 2020 after holding the reins as interim chief executive from March 2019, is sounding more optimistic. For a start, after the much-criticised plans for the Cargiant site were dropped, a new overall blueprint focusing instead on the mainly publicly-owned land closer to the new station got the green light from the inspector and was adopted in June. It has been designated Old Oak West.

“It’s very good news,” says Lunts. “We needed to make significant changes on land use to support what we wanted to do, and getting the local plan approved and adopted was one of the major risks.”

Things are happening on existing development sites in the area too, with the OPDC using its planning powers – which supersede those of the three boroughs with territory in the zone, Ealing, Brent and Hammersmith & Fulham – to get 6,000 new homes underway, with some 7,000 more in the pipeline.

Most significantly, a deal with the government to get the publicly-owned land – 70 acres of it, of which most is owned by the Department for Transport – into play looks a lot nearer than it did a year ago.

A bid to Whitehall, effectively to it all under the control of a single agency – with the OPDC itself well-placed to take on that role – plus vital funding for the significant infrastructure and further land purchases needed to get development underway, won “in principle” approval in April.

Lunts’s team is now working on the next stage. A detailed business case is scheduled for submission in the spring or early summer next year, buoyed by a new sign of City Hall confidence in the plans – a £50 million loan from the Mayor’s land fund to kick-start some 9,000 of the new homes envisaged on the site.

Negotiating with government hasn’t always been easy, with ministers coming and going, and big decisions put on hold during the Conservative leadership campaign. But engagement with senior officials has remained positive, Lunts said. “Although we haven’t got a detailed deal nailed down yet, we are pretty much where we want to be.”

Nevertheless, Lunts adds that much remains to be resolved, including whether the government will want to sell in its land “on day one” or take a longer-term position, which might significantly reduce the initial need for funding. Accountability arrangements will also need to be made for what might still be large amounts of public money.

The announcement last week by the government of plans for new “investment zones” is a further new element in the mix, with City Hall listed as one of the 38 authorities apparently “keen to be involved” and speculation about potential sites beginning.

Government guidance suggests areas aligning “with other significant investments such as HS2 rail stations, to ensure critical mass and greater growth opportunities” will be looked on favourably when applications are made. That would make Old Oak Common, the largest and best connected HS2 site, a prime contender and perhaps a stronger one than other HS2 sites and regeneration areas in London such as Thamesmead, another mayoral priority, where expensive investment extending the Docklands Light Railway is required.

But Lunts says more detail is needed about planning rules, incentives and the affordable housing requirements which are central to mayoral policies. All of these would be in the balance as local politicians decide whether to apply, as well as what funding might be available.

Whatever institutional framework emerges, Old Oak, perhaps the biggest inward investment or housing opportunity in London not already under development – and with its transport connections already assured – represents an increasingly good bet for Whitehall, according to Lunts.

“If government wants to secure a major economic growth opportunity in the capital it needs look no further than Old Oak,” he says. “It speaks directly to the growth, growth, growth agenda.”

Initial public engagement about plans for Old Oak West will get underway this month, with drop-ins and an online session between 12 and 15 October ahead of more detail in a supplementary planning document next year.

Image: Artist’s impression of HS2 station and surroundings from HS2 website.

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Categories: Analysis

Jack Brown: Londoners were resilient during the pandemic but more hardship is coming

The Greater London Authority’s second mass Survey of Londoners, a major study providing great insights into the lives of the capital’s citizens, has been published. Consulting 8,630 Londoners at the end of 2021 and building on work from 2018-19, the survey also provides a detailed and useful snapshot of how the pandemic affected London life.

Perhaps the biggest surprise is how little appears to have changed in terms of Londoners’ finances. For the report’s authors, the survey demonstrates their “resilience” throughout the pandemic. Government support, such as the Treasury’s furlough scheme, appears to have done its job, perhaps alongside non-governmental efforts by mutual aid groups and food banks. The average Londoner is not significantly worse off than beforehand. The percentage of lower income adults reporting food insecurity has not changed between surveys, at 44%.

In fact, the economic situation across the capital had actually improved by the end of 2021, with fewer adult Londoners reporting being “food insecure” than in 2018-19. There are also fewer with unsecured debts to pay (down by 5% to just under a third) and the percentage of Londoners with less than £1,500 in savings had dropped from a third to a quarter. Although this does not apply to all Londoners, it should be a relief to policymakers to discover that, at least by some measures of economic security, Londoners as a whole have not been left worse off by the pandemic. However, there are two important caveats.

Firstly, it is important to remember that this survey was undertaken before the first rise in the energy price cap and, arguably, before the worst effects of the cost-of-living crisis hit. In this survey, 13% of Londoners reported being unable to keep their homes warm enough in winter. It should go without saying that this figure is still too high, but it was almost exactly the same as in 2018-19. Sadly, though, we should expect it to increase this year. Secondly, among Londoners on low incomes – defined as earning less than £14,900 a year – it rises to almost a third.

Overall, hardship measures tend to correlate – those experiencing food insecurity are less likely to have savings, more likely to have debts and find those debts a ‘heavy burden’, to report being unable to keep their homes warm enough in winter, and to use food banks. And of those who reported using food banks, around a quarter were in insecure employment (defined as being on a temporary contract, agency employment or self-employed in a job considered insecure), and a quarter were on state benefits.

Whilst some Londoners appear to have built up savings during the pandemic, those without a degree were much more likely not to have savings of over £1,500 by the end of 2021. Black, Pakistani and Bangladeshi Londoners, alongside those of mixed ethnicity, were also particularly less likely to have savings to rely on.

Some of this may seem obvious, but it demonstrates the interconnected vulnerability that exists in the capital at the bottom end of the income scale, and the inequalities inherent in who is exposed. With the national economic picture seemingly quite bleak, great inequality persists across the capital, and many will be particularly vulnerable to cost of living and energy shocks. And while the percentages of Londoners in economically vulnerable positions may not grab headlines, the capital’s sheer size means they represent huge numbers of people. In response, Sadiq Khan has called for a “lifeline tariff” as part of a package of “Covid-style” economic measures to support Londoners most at risk.

As winter approaches, there is support already available. Londoners are aware of some of this, particularly food banks and the Citizen’s Advice Bureau, but there is much less public awareness of other sources of help, such as the Law Centres Network, employment rights hubs, or Debt Free London. Awareness is lower among non-UK born Londoners, Muslim Londoners, Londoners who said they were not proficient in English, and Londoners who have lived in London for more than five years. Nearly half of Londoners not proficient in English also said they were not well informed of their employment rights.

A major, targeted information campaign could help improve this situation. However, there is a more complex task to strengthen community cohesion and neighbourliness in lower-income neighbourhoods. Just under half of Londoners reported that they borrowed things from, and exchanged favours with, their neighbours. But this figure was notably higher in more affluent areas than in more deprived ones. The same pattern could be found when Londoners were asked if people in their local neighbourhood pulled together to improve the area. The figures are not shockingly low, and perceptions of community cohesion generally remain high across the board, but strong neighbourhoods surely cannot be the preserve of the middle classes.

A final point of personal interest. I was pleased to see that my home London Assembly constituency of North East reported the highest levels of feelings of “belonging” to London, at 86%. It was not surprising to see that this figure was lowest, at 68%, in Bexley & Bromley, some of which is semi-rural. Overall, however, the figures were pleasingly high. It is surely impressive that such a diverse city, with all its inequalities, still engenders a sense of belonging amongst its citizens.

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Categories: Comment

John Vane’s London Stories: Remembering Selsdon Man

On the Sunday morning, Mr Heath suggested to Mr Maudling, Sir Keith, Sir Alec, Lord Jellicoe, Mr Barber et al that, Mr Macleod having said a few words about East of Suez policy, they should return to discussing the manifesto for the next general election. It was Sunday the 1st February 1970, and, having dealt with economic policy and industrial relations the previous day, the gathering turned its thoughts to manpower and retraining, industry and trade. A Mrs Thatcher was present too.

The setting for this weekend conference of the top brass of the opposition Conservative Party more than half a century ago was the Selsdon Park Hotel at the southern fringe of the London Borough of Croydon. Selsdon was, and still is, a prosperous suburban area, noted for its art deco housing and also for that imposing hotel, a 1925 conversion of the mansion house of the Seldson Park Estate, where many pheasants met their end.

There was a Selsdon railway station, which closed in 1983 when, Hidden London tells us, it was still lit by gas lamps. But the station was some distance from the hotel, and we can probably assume that the senior Tories arrived by motor car. We might also assume that those champions of private enterprise would have approved of the endeavours of hotel manager John Aust, who, since 1960, had been making improvements and adding extra rooms – in short, turning the Selsdon Park Hotel into a facility befitting the leaders of an aspiring government-in-waiting.

The document that emerged from the deliberations of Edward Heath, the Conservative leader, and his colleagues was called A Better Tomorrow. It declared: “We want people to achieve the security and independence of personal ownership greater freedom of opportunity, greater freedom of choice, greater freedom from government regulation and interference. A responsible democracy based on honest government and respect for the law.”

The manifesto was regarded by observers as the most ideologically pro-free market blueprint for British government since the war, and was derided by the then Prime Minister, Labour’s Harold Wilson, as primitive. He mocked it as the work of Selsdon Man. The programme’s fortunes were mixed: Heath’s Conservatives won the general election that June, but soon abandoned many of their policies in the wake of concerted opposition. Dismayed by this retreat, in 1973 a Selsdon Group was formed to keep the spirit of that Croydon weekend alive. It still exists. The spectacular arrival of Prime Minister Truss has been noted in those quarters with interest.

As for the Selsdon Park Hotel, it kept on growing. A leisure complex was added in 1985 and new Cambridge Wing in 1988. The entire estate, by then called the De Vere Selsdon Estate, was purchased by the Principal Hotel Company in 1997, leading to a big refurbishment. A further one has been undertaken in recent years, upgrading the public areas, meetings rooms and all 150 bedrooms.

Earlier this year it was revealed that the hotel is “to become the second location for lifestyle hotel concept Birch” with the grounds undergoing “significant renovation”. The new version of the hotel is “slated to open its doors in 2023,” we learned. The old Selsdon Hotel is fading. But Selsdon Man lives on, albeit in a female form.

John Vane writes word sketches of London and bits about its past. Sometimes he makes things up. Follow John on Twitter.

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Categories: Culture, John Vane's London Stories