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Latest bid to block Truman Brewery Brick Lane car park plans rejected by Court of Appeal

Campaigners seeking to prevent the Old Truman Brewery company building shops, offices and a pedestrian walkway on a car park it owns off Brick Lane have failed in their latest legal bid to stop the scheme going ahead.

The Court of Appeal last week rejected a challenge to one element of a High Court ruling made last September that the decision to grant permission for the plans should not be overturned on procedural grounds.

The development committee of Tower Hamlets Council, then under Labour control, gave consent for the scheme in September 2021, having previously deferred its decision at a meeting it held in April 2021.

The three appeal court judges did not accept the argument that a council rule which prevented one of the four councillors who attended the September 2021 from voting on the scheme because she attended it virtually, having been at the April meeting in person, was unlawful or irrational.

The plans, which centre on the car park at junction of Brick Lane and Woodseer Street, would see a wall around the car park, built in the 1980s, removed and new buildings erected of up to five storeys in height and some additional units added to existing ones.

Council planning officers had advised that the plans conformed to local planning policies, with objections that the changes would be detrimental to other local business assigned “very little weight” in view of the “small scale of changes proposed in relation to the wider Truman Brewery changes over recent decades”.

Brewing ceased at the Truman complex, which sits on both sides of Brick Lane, in 1989. It was bought in 1995 by Ely Zeloof, who ran a clothing import and export business based in Fashion Street, another turning off Brick Lane. Other members of the Zeloof family have subsequently repurposed the brewery buildings for office, cultural, retail and entertainment use.

In May 2022, Lutfur Rahman, shortly after becoming Mayor of Tower Hamlets in elections that saw Labour lose control of the borough, vowed with reference to the brewery company plans to “protect important cultural sites in our borough from predatory developers”.

Since then, the council has drawn up and put out for consultation a masterplan for a Brick Lane Central supplementary planning document, whose boundary encloses most of the brewery estate. The council says the proposed SPD is a response to “the scale and pace at which change has occurred in the area” and an attempt to find ways of building affordable homes there, “to ensure that local communities can remain in their area”.

The Spitalfields Trust has the option of taking its case against the September 2021 council development committee decision to the Supreme Court.

Twitter: Dave Hill and On London. If you value On London and its writers, become a supporter or a paid subscriber to Dave’s Substack.

Categories: News

Dave Hill: Suddenly, government says London is ‘national asset, beyond price’. What changed?

Having spent the last four years disowning, marginalising and discriminating against London in the name of “levelling up”, Conservatives in national government have changed their tune. In his big housing speech last week, the “levelling up” secretary himself, Michael Gove, professed his love of the UK capital, acknowledging its vital importance to “the nation’s economic well-being” and describing it as “a national asset beyond price”.

In recent years, London has received precious little from the sundry “levelling up” pork barrel pots local authorities have been invited to fight each other over, and Transport for London has been subjected to what its now former commissioner, Andy Byford, described as “never-ending, exhausting, frustrating, negotiations” over funding when he could have been getting on with his job. Yet there was Gove vowing to rush to London’s aid, such is his devotion to it.

He laid out a golden vision in which “all the potential of London’s urban centre” would be “unlocked” and a “mission of national importance” named “Docklands 2.0” embarked on. In pursuit of those high objectives Gove would “work with the Mayor of London,” he declared. Alas, his speechwriter mistyped: by “work with”, Gove meant “work over”.

The rest of his speech bore this out: Sadiq Khan was held responsible for a gap between the capacity for new housebuilding in London and actual net supply: Sadiq Khan was blamed for whatever it was Gove didn’t like about Old Oak Common; Sadiq Khan was found in need of having his London Plan “reshaped” by Gove so that “Docklands 2.0” can be achieved.

Only time will tell if Gove’s promised gifts to London will be bestowed or welcome. What was immediately clear was that the Conservatives, excited by Labour’s narrow failure to relieve them of Uxbridge, have seen an opportunity to attack Labour more widely by attacking the most prominent Labour politician in elected office.

The ULEZ-related element of that by-election outcome – invested with far too much significance across the political board – has been followed by Rishi Sunak’s weekend declaration of war on low traffic neighbourhoods. And Sunak followed up Gove’s opening of hostilities against Khan over housing with his own threat to “step in” to make London’s directly-elected Labour Mayor jolly well do what Conservatives, an endangered species in London, tell him to.

Suspicions that a revised misuse of London as an electoral pawn was the main reason for the capital’s prominence in Gove’s speech can only be strengthened upon close inspection of the speech itself.

Though presented as an all-new blue skies wheeze, “Docklands 2.0″ is a tribute act to a string of ancestors that never lived. Plans to massively regenerate the outer east of London go back to at least the coining of the term ‘Thames Gateway” during the premiership of John Major. A cursory google of the GLA website reveals a development programme for the sub-region of very recent vintage not unlike that sketched by Gove. Well, fancy that!

Always, the biggest gap between blueprints and reality has been a shortage of national political will, notably in the form of a reluctance to spend the necessary public money. Gove and Sunak can “step in” arm-in-arm without wiping their shoes as long as they mind their manners and bring the right-sized chequebook. But in the current economic and political circumstances, what are the chances?

The party political colouring of Gove’s speech was comically unsubtle. While Labour-dominated east and inner London – dead central Westminster Council, you’ll recall, turned red for the first time in its history last year – must have their housing capacity potential exploited to the full, the “precious low-rise and richly green character” of the city’s suburbs must be preserved. Another mistype – for “green” read “blue”.

Sunak enlarged on Gove’s hint of intervention in the affairs of the Old Oak and Park Royal mayoral development corporation – orginator, Boris Johnson – with a promise of £53 million to help fund more homes there. This gesture came in close pursuit of the publication by the Centre For Policy Studies (CPS) think tank of its thoughts about the possible use by governments of “special development orders” to push through plans of specified types in particular areas.

In the document, Park Royal is described as “an area of sheds in West London” – a spectacularly daft description of one of the largest business parks in the city, which has a near-100 per cent occupancy rate. The “sheds” in question, which house around 500 food companies and much more, should, apparently, all be heaved aside so the PM can “step in” with something else to go near to the station for HS2 (yes, that’s the fast train from Birmingham that may never arrive).

A clue to the influence of the 10-page CPS briefing note on Sunak’s big, deep thinking appears to lie in an unattributed remark from a government source, reported in the Evening Standard, about it being better to have flats and houses near stations than to have “single-storey warehouses”. CPS director Robert Colvile, a co-author of the Conservatives’ 2019 general election manifesto, with its big promises to deepen devolution, devotes considerable energies to venting his displeasure with Mayor Khan. It’s a free country, but maybe the PM should should reflect on where he gets his advice from.

Meanwhile, his is an administration using an obscure clause of the Greater London Authority Act to stop TfL building homes on Cockfosters station car park – a dazzling initiative by the man who has gone on to become Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero – and hasn’t funded either a Bakerloo line extension or a DLR link to Thamesmead, both of which would greatly boost housebuilding.

There are legitimate grounds on which a serious debate about Khan’s housing and planning policies could take place. Has he allocated his affordable homes programme money in the best ways for London and to best effect? Should he be given more of it? Has his rule that large private developments offering less than 35 per cent “genuinely affordable” homes be viability tested by City Hall prevented a larger absolute number of such homes coming through? Is his London Plan encouraging the building of the right shapes and sizes of homes? Has he, as some members of it complain, shown too little interest in the development sector in general?

If Sunak and Gove want to seriously engage with such questions, especially in the context of the mayoral election, then good. If not, a serious message for them is “cough up, or shut up and push off”.

Twitter: Dave Hill and On London. If you value On London and its writers, become a supporter or a paid subscriber to Dave’s Substack. Image of Michael Gove from Sky News.

Categories: Comment

Dave Hill: With ULEZ rage set to fade, Susan Hall will tell a new ‘war on motorists’ story

With the High Court giving it the green light, Sadiq Khan’s expansion of the capital’s ultra-low emission zone (ULEZ) to the whole of Greater London looks sure to go ahead from 29 August. Soon afterwards, opposition to it, already less than universal, will start to fade. Resistance to it will continue to be loud, but increasingly unrepresentative.

That is because only a very small minority of Londoners will be directly affected by the expansion. According to the 2021 Census, 42 per cent of London households don’t own or have access to a motor vehicle at all. And when we look at the 58 per cent that do, data gathered by the Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders (SSMT) show that, in 2022, 86 per cent of cars registered in Greater London complied with ULEZ anti-pollution standards.

That was an increase of nine per cent compared with 2021. If we assume the same upward trend has continued during this year, the ULEZ compliance rate will already be above 90 per cent – perhaps comfortably so, if the imminence of the expansion has accelerated the rate at which people are getting rid of non-compliant cars.

If so, it means only about five per cent of London households will end up having to pay the £12.50 daily charge because their vehicles fall into the most-polluting categories. A chart from Transport for London’s explanatory note about the SSMT data is shown below.

Screenshot 2023 07 30 at 13.40.30

For candidates for London Mayor, the electoral implications of this are significant. It means  that once the expansion begins the vast majority of Londoners who own cars and drive them in the outer London areas the ULEZ will have expanded to will feel no direct effect (except, perhaps, the benefit of a small reduction in congestion as remaining owners of non-compliant vehicles choose not to drive them). 

That means the potential political advantage to the Conservative candidate Susan Hall, who has been claiming that Sadiq Khan is forcing the expansion on an electorate that doesn’t want it, will shrink and keep shrinking. Yes, there are caveats: some new owners of compliant vehicles will still resent having had to upgrade; some voters will oppose the expansion because they simply think it’s wrong or believe it is hurting them indirectly; the compliance rate among van-owners, typically small business people, is far lower (although the number of vans is far smaller than the number of cars); it will continue to be an issue in the election campaign, with Hall citing it as but one example of Khan being tin-eared and arrogant.

Even so, the ULEZ expansion is about to become a diminishing electoral asset for Hall, as motor-owning Londoners learn first hand that, contrary to what many may have been led to fear, they are, in fact, not being charged £12.50 a day to get round outer London’s roads. Of those who are, some will be non-voters. Some, perhaps most, will be Tory voters anyway. What will Hall do next?

We already know the answer.

Earlier this month, the headline of a right wing website proclaimed: “Sadiq Turbo-Charges Pay-Per-Mile Plot”. A transport minister had told the Commons that he had been told by Deputy Mayor for Transport Seb Dance and by TfL’s top finance official that Khan had asked them to examine the “technicalities” of introducing road-user charges for all vehicles throughout London in the future. And on Friday, the very day of the High Court ruling, one of Hall’s fellow Tory AMs warned Daily Express readers that plans for such a pay-per-mile system are already being worked on by a special TfL group.

Does such activity merit the description “plot”? Will such a pay-per-mile road-user pricing scheme be introduced by Sadiq Khan should he be re-elected next May?

Well, for a “plot”, activity in this area hasn’t been terribly secret. Khan’s statutory transport strategy, published way back in March 2018, said he would keep the effectiveness of London’s various road user charging schemes under review and “investigate proposals for the next generation of road user charging systems”. These, the strategy said, could potentially replace all the existing ones, including the Congestion Charge and the ULEZ, using “more sophisticated technology” than was available. Proposal 21 of the strategy stated:

“The Mayor will consider the appropriate technology for any future schemes, and the potential for a future scheme that reflects distance, time, emissions, road danger and other factors in an integrated way. TfL will develop the design, operation and technical elements of these proposals in consultation with road users and stakeholders.”

The relevant section of the transport strategy is reproduced below.

 

Screenshot 2023 07 30 at 14.52.43

The “plot”, then, has been being hatched in plain sight for three-and-a-half years. And versions of such a “plot” have been around in City Hall for much longer.

In May 2009, in advance of published his own transport strategy, Mayor Boris Johnson wrote: “In the future, wider road user charging may be explored in the context of a national scheme and charging in town centres may also be considered.”

Johnson’s strategy itself, published in October 2009, while recommitting to removing Ken Livingstone’s western extension to it, said Johnson would keep the central London Congestion Charge zone “under review” and would consider other measures to control congestion, “such as parking charges or road user charging schemes”. A Johnson idea of charging motorists around £1 a mile to use London’s busiest roads received a friendly response from the Evening Standard. Such ideas were discussed under Livingstone too.

Khan’s “plot” has also been a rather conspicuous element of TfL’s public consultation about the latest ULEZ expansion, which began last May. This additionally invited Londoners to share their thoughts about what any “future road user charging scheme” should be like. Again, as plots go, not terribly secret.

The possibility of such a system coming to pass has also been discussed several times at public meetings at City Hall. Khan’s remarks about it have been consistent: there is no plan to introduce such a system, not least because we don’t yet know how to do it in the way described in his transport strategy.

Could that change in time for Khan to indeed have the option of bringing in what some call “smart” road user pricing across the whole of the capital in the near future?

Perhaps we shouldn’t hold our breath. Last June, On London supporters heard from a trio of experts that the technology required exists but that there are currently no models for the type of system London would need, including in Singapore, which has the world’s most advanced arrangements.

None of this will deter the Hall campaign, which, as ULEZ rage fades, will need a new scare story to tell of a “war on motorists” being waged by Khan, no matter how much he denies it. After all, at the last election Tory candidate Shaun Bailey flammed up the fiction of an imminent “outer London tax” to be levied on anyone crossing the Greater London border by car should Khan remain Mayor.

Needless, to say, no such “tax” has come anywhere near being levied. But the point, pre-election, was to spread misinformation, create anxiety and fuel voter rage. Get ready for more of all that, starting now.

Twitter: Dave Hill and On London. If you value On London and its writers, become a supporter or a paid subscriber to Dave’s Substack. Image from 2018 Mayor’s Transport Strategy.

Categories: Comment

London ULEZ: Streeting accepts Khan’s right to pursue policy under devolution

One of Keir Starmer’s most senior shadow cabinet members has acknowledged that Sadiq Khan is answerable to London’s electorate, not the leadership of the Labour party, and is entitled as Mayor of London to pursue his policy of enlarging the capital’s Ultra-Low Emission Zone (ULEZ) to cover all of the city despite the leadership’s wishes.

Speaking to Times Radio following yesterday morning’s High Court ruling that the planned expansion is lawful, shadow health secretary Wes Streeting said, “If you believe in devolution, you believe in his right to do that”.

Though stating that neither he, Starmer nor shadow chancellor Rachel Reeves want the expansion on 29 August to go ahead, Streeting, MP for the outer London constituency of Ilford North, said, “Sadiq is the Mayor of London. He doesn’t answer to us, he answers to Londoners,” and added, “We’re going to have to take it on the chin”.

Streeting also said it was “the hard truth” that the Mayor’s policy had prevented Labour overturning a Tory majority of 7,200 at the recent Uxbridge & South Ruislip by-election, which the Conservative candidate held on to by 495 votes having framed the contest as a “referendum on ULEZ”.

The acknowledgment by Starmer’s close lieutenant that accepting Khan’s right to pursue a policy his party leader opposes is consistent with a belief in devolution follows reports that the Labour leader is unhappy with Labour’s big city Mayors speaking and acting out of line with his stance on issues, and Labour’s barring the Mayor of North Tyne, Jamie Driscoll, from seeking re-election next year.

Grant Shapps, Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero, who was transport secretary under the premiership of Boris Johnson, has challenged Starmer to “tell” Khan to stop the expansion.

In his former transport role, Shapps was responsible for imposing tight financial controls on Transport for London during the Covid-19 pandemic, including, in May 2020, ordering Khan to oversee “the immediate reintroduction” of the ULEZ, which at that time covered only central London and had been suspended in response to Covid so that people who had to travel to work had the option of doing so safely by car without paying the daily anti-pollution charge.

Shapps also instructed Khan to propose how to “widen the scope and levels” of the ULEZ and other road-user charging schemes.

The Conservatives’ 2019 general election manifesto expressed an “ambition” to build on the devolution of powers to city mayors “so that every part of our country has the power to shape its own destiny”.

Datasets described in May of this year by Tory mayoral candidate Susan Hall as “proper figures” for ULEZ compliance rates across the capital suggest that, assuming an upward trend since 2021 has continued, around 90 per cent of the cars of the 58 per cent of London households that have them may now meet ULEZ standards.

This means roughly six per cent of London households might be directly affected by the 29 August expansion before or after it is put in place.

The most recent opinion poll about the expansion plan, conducted last month, found that 47 per cent of Londoners were in favour of it, compared with 32 per cent who opposed it.

Twitter: Dave Hill and On London. If you value On London and its writers, become a supporter or a paid subscriber to Dave’s Substack. Photo from Wes Streeting Twitter profile.

Categories: News

London ULEZ court decision welcomed by health experts and business group

Representatives of London’s larger employers along with air pollution experts have welcomed today’s High Court decision to allow Sadiq Khan’s further expansion of the capital’s Ultra-Low Emission Zone on 29 August, saying it will be good for London’s economy and for the health of Londoners.

John Dickie, chief executive of BusinessLDN, said the expansion is “critical for making London’s air cleaner” and that it will not only save lives but also “make the city a more attractive place to live, work and visit”, and Professor Frank Kelly of Imperial College, quoted in the Evening Standard, said, “Today’s verdict means there will be no delays to London taking the action it so desperately needs to tackle toxic air”.

Richard Burge, chief executive of another major business group, the London Chamber of Commerce and Industry, which represents many smaller firms, said the Chamber respected the High Court ruling and stated that “a green and global city like London cannot thrive in poor quality” while vowing to “work closely” with the Mayor on measures to ease the transition, citing its recent poll finding that one third of businesses are concerned the expansion will be bad for their employees.

Green Party mayoral candidate Zoë Garbett welcomed the decision, and from the London Assembly there has been support from the Labour and Green groups.

For the Liberal Democrats, deputy transport committee chair Caroline Pidgeon has reiterated her call for a “more generous” scrappage scheme to help those whose vehicles fall short of ULEZ standards to replace them.

Conservative AM and her party’s mayoral candidate Susan Hall appeared on hard right television channel GB News to claim that “hundreds and hundreds of thousands of Londoners” will, like her, be “hugely disappointed, by the legal ruling, “because they don’t want this”.

Hall said Londoners have “made it clear to Sadiq Khan they don’t want this, but he’s ignoring everybody”. She later told Channel 4 News that “Londoners are telling us loud and clear they do not want this”. However, the most recent poll of Londoners about the issue found that 47 per cent of Londoners support the policy compared with 32 per cent who oppose it.

Screenshot 2023 07 28 at 17.36.29

Making his own television appearances today, the Mayor confirmed that the expansion will go ahead on 29 August and said that from next week there will be “additional support” for Londoners, covering “almost a million families in London who receive child benefit” along with “every small business” and “every charity”. He added that he would continue to listen to concerns and consider what more he might be able to do.

Twitter: Dave Hill and On London. If you value On London and its writers, become a supporter or a paid subscriber to Dave’s Substack. Article updated on 29 July 2023 to include responses by Green mayoral candidate and Assembly group, 

Categories: News

Charles Wright: Gove’s M&S decision leaves future of more than Oxford Street in doubt

It’s all happening in Oxford Street, with a new pedestrian-friendly facelift plan out to consultation, and a subsidised “pop-up” shop scheme just launched aimed at stemming the tide of US-style candy stores by attracting “innovative, cutting-edge and up-and-coming brands” to empty units.

But perhaps not happening better describes the situation with Marks & Spencer’s flagship site at the Marble Arch end of what was once dubbed the nation’s high street, where demolish and rebuild plans have just been controversially thrown out by levelling up secretary Michael Gove.

The minister blocked the planned 10-storey retail and office development following a public inquiry billed as the first major test of the ‘retrofit versus redevelopment’ arguments around embodied carbon costs and longer-term energy efficiency, rejecting his own planning inspector’s findings to determine that the scheme would “fail to support the transition to a low carbon future, and…overall fail to encourage the reuse of existing resources, including the conversion of existing buildings”.

Cheered by campaigners as a landmark challenge to our “laissez faire attitude to demolition and loss”, the decision has not landed well with others – not least M&S chief Stuart Machin. In an unusually strongly-worded statement he said the secretary of state was more interested in “cheap shot” headlines than facts: “If it weren’t so serious it would be laughable.”

For Machin, the rejected scheme is about replacing a building not capable of being viably “retrofitted” with a new flagship complex that would not only be in the “top one per cent” of the city’s most sustainable buildings, but also lead the revival of a street where 42 of 269 shops are currently empty – a vacancy rate 13 per cent higher than in the average UK high street.

M&S architect Fred Pilbrow, no enemy of refurbishment – a recent building of his won the British Council of Offices’ 2023 “retrofit of the year” award- also weighed in, accusing Gove of wanting to retain every building, whatever its merit.

That approach “freezes the city and robs it of vital potential for adaptation and growth,” Pilbrow said. “It seems no more than common sense to acknowledge that the quality of existing buildings must inform their potential for refurbishment.” His scheme, he’d said previously, was “akin to trading in a gas guzzler for a Tesla”, coming out ahead on carbon over time because of its greater efficiency.

There was no welcome either from the New West End Company, representing city centre retailers. Chief executive Dee Corsi described the decision as amissed opportunity” to accelerate the growth of the West End. The London Property Alliance, representing owners and developers, was similarly unimpressed. Its chief executive, Charles Begley, said the decision “sent a political message” but failed to provide substantive policy guidance on sustainability.

Has Gove overreached? The scheme’s proponents’ views certainly mesh with some of the findings of inspector David Nicholson. He’s no stranger to the carbon costs arguments, having previously rejected the contentious Tulip plan for a 305-metre viewing platform in the Square Mile on the grounds that its use of “vast quantities of reinforced concrete” would be “highly unsustainable” – the first formal citing of embodied carbon as a reason to refuse planning permission.

In the M&S case, Nicholson took a similar approach, again looking to weigh and compare the elements of the competing arguments. He sought to balance the harm caused by what he called  “substantial quantities of embodied energy” in demolition and new construction – judging these “much greater” than if the existing building was refurbished – against the economic benefits of redevelopment.

Crucially, he found that refurbishment of the site would be “so deeply problematic…that no-one would be likely to pursue it or fund it”. He said that although there should generally be a strong presumption in favour of reusing buildings, “much must depend on the circumstances of how important it is that the use of the site should be optimised, and what alternatives are realistically available”. Retrofit first, but not retrofit only, perhaps.

In the absence of that realistic alternative, Nicholson concluded that refusing the scheme would, on the basis of the evidence, lead to the “closure of the store, the loss of M&S from the Marble Arch end of Oxford Street and substantial harm to the vitality and viability of the area”. He decided that the benefits of the new scheme would therefore outweigh its harm both to heritage and to the UK’s transition to a zero-carbon economy.

Gove took a different view, deciding that any harm to Oxford Street arising from a refusal of permission would be limited, and professing himself unpersuaded that refurbishment would not be viable. In a key finding, given that planning policy imperative to consider whether alternatives to a plan on the table are realistic, he decided that the option of keeping the building had not been fully explored.

While that view itself might be open to challenge, the minister’s approach to the carbon question as a whole is highlighted in a typically incisive analysis of the decision by planning lawyer Simon Ricketts.

Faced with conflicting claims, Gove actually reaches “no concluded view on whether the redevelopment would, over the life of the building, use less carbon than any replacement,” Ricketts notes, adding, perhaps in understated fashion: “That might be seen as surprising given that surely it is the core issue.”

At one level, this is because our understanding of “whole life” carbon assessment is still developing – a point on which Gove and the inspector agreed. It’s not yet straightforward, as Ricketts has written elsewhere, to “weigh longer-term operational carbon savings against the one-off carbon costs associated with demolition and rebuild”, or to weigh carbon saving against other material considerations.

And that, Ricketts says, leaves Gove’s M&S decision short of a definitive finding that “demolition and rebuild will lead to greater release of carbon over the lifetime of the building than a hypothetical refurbishment of the existing building”.

National planning policy doesn’t help much yet either, offering no clear guidance, while the M&S plan was deemed by City Hall, after two separate considerations, to have met Sadiq Khan’s more up to date and stringent requirements on “whole life” carbon and refurbishment versus new build.

Factors like these may yet see the minister’s decision heading for the High Court, but it is already sending shockwaves through the planning and development community. Concerns were raised for example last week when the City Corporation planning committee approved a 63-storey office tower in Bishopsgate replacing an eight-storey block just 30 years old. Could Gove be pondering another intervention?

The detail of the ruling may prove less important than its wider impact. It is already changing the “mood music” and nudging architects, developers and their investors increasingly towards refurb rather than demolition. Net zero expert Simon Sturgis, who spoke against the M&S plan at the inquiry, made this point to Building Design magazine, forecasting that tougher regulations would be on the way shortly as well.

So what now for Oxford Street, which M&S barrister Russell Harris KC told the inquiry now has a bad smell: “The reek of failure, of second or third best.” Major stores including Topshop and House of Fraser have gone – now possibly M&S too – and while IKEA and HMV are coming, the street still needs to “innovate and ensure we can offer a top-class experience”, according to Westminster council’s cabinet member for planning and economic development Geoff Barraclough.

The council’s upgrade plans, albeit falling short of the mayoral pedestrianisation scheme killed off by one of the Labour administration’s Conservative predecessor in 2018, are a step on that road, described by Corsi as “necessary commitment to ensuring a long-term and sustainable future for the district.”

Necessary but perhaps not sufficient, according to some. They did not go far enough, because there were no pedestrian-only spaces, Richard Scott from retail property specialists Nash Bond, told Drapers Magazine last week, with consultant Jonathan De Mello adding that the measures would not “fully address the issues of congestion, pollution and the plethora of candy shops that still continue to trade.”

Ricketts’s conclusion is bleak: “An important part of Oxford Street may well indeed become vacant or subjected to uses which will do nothing for this vulnerable commercial area.” Sturgis says he knows of at least two developers who’d “jump at the chance” to refurbish the Marble Arch store. Time will tell, but how much time does Oxford Street have?

Twitter: Charles Wright and On London. Photograph: BBC News. If you value On Londonbecome a supporter or a paid subscriber to publisher and editor Dave Hill’s Substack. Thanks.

Categories: Analysis

Richard Brown: Two cheers for Michael Gove’s housing speech

In the sense that the only thing worse than being talked about is not being talked about, Michael Gove’s big housing speech had some grains of good news for London and Sadiq Khan.

Sure, there was a slightly formulaic spot of Khan-bashing – the allegation that “the Mayor’s failure on housing, like his failure on crime and his failure on transport, undermines the vitality and attractiveness of our capital.” We are coming up to an election and presenting Khan’s mayoralty as a cautionary example of Labour’s inability to deliver was clearly just too tempting, especially in the wake of the Uxbridge & South Ruislip by-election.

But alternately attacking and ignoring London and its Mayor have been a consistent government theme in recent years. Gove’s predecessor Robert Jenrick took more than a year to agree Khan’s 2020 London Plan, describing his housing delivery as “deeply disappointing”, demanding he water down protections for the Green Belt, open spaces and industrial sites, and allow lower densities and more car parking in suburban locations. And two years ago, in articulating his “levelling up” agenda, London’s previous Mayor, the then Prime Minister Boris Johnson, spoke of the capital only as the engine for an overheated housing market and as a drain on talent in the rest of the country.

So, while Gove may have been stating the obvious when he said making the most of the capital’s potential is “critical to the nation’s success”, the statement was nonetheless welcome. What’s more, the Secretary of State committed to working with the Mayor to “unlock all the potential of London’s urban centre, while preserving the precious low-rise and richly green character of its suburbs such as Barnet and Bromley”.

There’s quite a lot going on there, both lofty principles and low politics. At one level, Gove’s was a classic urban renaissance prescription: focusing new development in highly accessible central locations, where infrastructure such as school places is already present. But there was also electoral calculation. Ever since Johnson ran for Mayor in 2008, pledging to save the suburbs from the encroachment of high-rise apartment buildings, protecting the suburbs – and London’s safest Conservative seats – from new development has been at the heart of Conservative policy.

To unlock potential, Gove proclaimed the launch of “Docklands 2.0”, invoking Michael Heseltine, the patron saint of urban renaissance (who lost the Conservative whip in 2017 as a result of his opposition to Brexit). This “mission of national importance” would see 65,000 homes built in east London’s riverside, from Beckton and Silvertown to Charlton and Thamesmead.

Such plans have a rich heritage as part of the original Heseltine vision for the East Thames Corridor, as the heart of London Thames Gateway, and as the focus for the City East scheme developed by my former colleagues in Mayor Ken Livingstone’s architecture and urbanism unit.

Current London Plan targets already suggest that 65,000 homes are achievable in these “opportunity areas”, but realising that potential has been slow. Many sites lack the infrastructure needed to develop at scale, or need investment in remediation to make them suitable for housing. In that respect, Gove’s commitment to look at the transport investments needed, and to invest government money where it can make a difference, will be welcomed.

There is a catch, though. Gove offered the carrot of working with Khan, but also issued an explicit threat in bellicose terms: “I reserve the right to step in to reshape the London Plan if necessary and consider every tool in our armoury – including development corporations.” It doesn’t sound as if these would be mayoral development corporations, such as those set up by Johnson to oversee the Olympic Park and Old Oak projects, but 1980s-style impositions from Whitehall.

Gove’s political jabs at the Mayor have been reciprocated. Tom Copley, Deputy Mayor for Housing, has defended Khan’s record and described the government’s commitments as “thin gruel”, with funding decisions for vital infrastructure lost in the long grass of Treasury tactics. London Councils housing lead Darren Rodwell, also leader of east London borough Barking & Dagenham, has called for more funding for affordable housing and a permanent relaxation of rules on using Right-to-Buy receipts.

But behind the point-scoring and alongside genuine arguments about resource allocation, the Secretary of State’s speech does seem to mark a dawning awareness that ignoring the UK’s capital when seeking to grow the nation’s economy is a dead end. If Gove can back his vision for Docklands 2.0 with funds and facilitation, and can resist the temptation to take over and micro-manage, he may find himself in an awkward alliance with Khan, even as general and mayoral elections approach.

Twitter: Richard Brown and On London. Photograph from Newham Council. If you value On London and its writers, become a supporter or a paid subscriber to editor and publisher Dave Hill’s Substack.

Categories: Comment

Josiah Mortimer: East Sheen’s Valentina restaurant – home of Italian hospitality

Get off the packed commuter train at Mortlake and you land in a quiet enclave of London suburbia: East Sheen. Hopefully, unlike me, you will go on a cool, non-strike day when other people’s pits aren’t a Rizla paper distance from your gaze.

Gone are the medium rises, in are terraces and a deluge of Union Jacks. The coronation might be over, but the leafy west London satellite has proudly declined the memo. Sheen, as it’s known, is largely white and well-educated, with a healthy smattering of delis.

It hints that in income terms it isn’t a million miles on the wealth charts away from its domineering neighbour, Richmond. There are, though, far fewer coach houses, the old outbuildings for horses that remain in bougier parts of Richmond-upon-Thames.

Hidden London provides the goods for the area’s historical high-points: East Sheen was home to the Whig Prime Minister Earl Grey, the birthplace of Sir Tim Berners-Lee, inventor of the world wide web, and the last dwelling place of 1970s rock star Marc Bolan – his, like others here, a large Victorian house with a walled garden. There’s one detached home for every two flats in Sheen.

I’m not here for the National Trust-owned Common, the high street shops or the many, many churches, but for the Valentina restaurant, a mid-priced, independent eatery founded by Bruno Zuccola in 1991.

It has weathered a lot of storms in that time. And judging by the enormous number of positive Google reviews, it has deserved to. I’m heartened that in London, if you look hard enough, you can still get a proper margarita pizza for just under a tenner. This isn’t “refined” or any of the other adjectives reviewers love to use for overpriced. The restaurant offers an experience that’s both heartening and unpretentious.

The first thing that catches the attention is the staff’s hospitality – hopefully not just put on for your On London visitor. It’s a touch of Italian warmth that feels genuine. The open patio, as in pretty much all of London, opens onto a road, but it’s not rammed with traffic. You’re not quite in the side streets of Verona, but there’s little need for any such self-deception.

As one can hope for a restaurant that’s tied to a decent local deli of the same name, the wine list stands out. The Gavi di Gavi, a fine Italian white for £33.95 is at the upper end of their price range, but it’s spot on, with a delicate but fruity profile. The kindly manager pushed the cocktails, but the sweet French 75 couldn’t compete with the bottle list.

I don’t think the phrase “carb-free” exists in Italy, and that’s fine by me. The starters are an indulgence. Crispy pesto arancini, and a mozzarella and red onion focaccia show up within a few minutes of ordering. The arancini were pitch-perfect, but the focaccia needed a bit of zing – properly caramelised onions and some balsamic flavours.

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Where was everyone, though? It was a Thursday night. Either this patch of Richmond is under-populated or lounge-bound, or this restaurant isn’t getting the custom its online reviews suggest.

And it does largely deserve our custom. The mains were ultra generous. A kilo of risotto was perhaps not the wisest order in mid-July, and while it was too diluted in flavour for me, the fritto misto my dining partner ordered was a seafood feast. You will, though, feel rude being unable to finish it in order to leave room for the far superior desserts.

They more than compensated for my slightly sad rice dish. The cannoli were crisp and rounded off the meal, with the tartufo al pistachio (main picture), an ice cream dessert, a sure-fire winner.

The plural of anecdotes is not data, but on a sunny summer evening we exited onto a largely empty street. People are saving their cash not for mid-week, casual dining but for experiences. And that doesn’t bode well for establishments like the family-run Valentina.

What to suggest? Can trying new, enticing deals and playing around with signature dishes come to their rescue? Perhaps they should make the most of the fact that this isn’t some tired chain but a lovingly-run haunt that keeps its cash in the local economy. A bit of non-cheesy Italian music and some local art might shake off the quasi-franchise vibe.

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Research published in RestaurantOnline this June showed that central London saw a net decline of 540 licensed premises in the three years between March 2020 and March 2023 – equivalent to one closure every two days. But there are hints that the closures are bottoming out.

Let’s hope so, because places like Valentina have great potential. It’s the generosity, the excellent wine and the staff that make it. It can and should rise above London’s slump and create an experience that people will want to come to East Sheen to enjoy.

Special offer: The Valentina restaurant is offering On London readers a discount on purchases from its online shop. When you get to the checkout, use the code VALENTINA10SUMMER. 

Josiah Mortimer is chief reporter for Byline Times. This is the first of his occasional food and drink reviews for On London on the side. Follow Josiah on Twitter and feel free to get in touch with him too. If you value On London and its writers, become a supporter or a paid subscriber to editor and publisher Dave Hill’s Substack. Thanks.

Categories: Culture