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Dave Hill: London needs reconstructing after years of culture war

I won’t compare it to the Blitz. That would be wildly off target and in poor taste. But I can show you damage, injury and death. Ever since Boris Johnson won his 2019 majority by conquering Labour’s northern “red wall”, Conservatism has been making war on London, weakening its government, cutting its supply lines, subjecting it to hostile propaganda. Already wounded by Brexit and then assailed by the pandemic, the capital and its people have been resilient through it all. They are, though, in need of post-culture war reconstruction, and it shows.

Let’s begin with housing. Contrary to some accounts, the amount of social and other significantly sub-market rented homes in London has not fallen in absolute terms this century, but it has as a proportion of Greater London’s overall stock – down from 29 to 22 per cent. Meanwhile, London’s population has been rising, adding to existing demand. Where do all the extra people needing such homes end up? Often homeless and in the enlarged, insecure, too often sub-standard private rented sector, including many families with children. And there are other kinds of shortage. London needs housing reinforcements. Not nearly enough have been supplied.

Let’s look at transport, another vital form of infrastructure any growing and thriving city needs. The Elizabeth line is with us, half of it paid for with taxes directly raised in London and pretty much all the rest indirectly from London too, given the size of the tax surplus the capital generates when almost everywhere else produces none. Alas, at the same time, London’s transport authority has been coerced and sabotaged by hostile forces upstream. Our bus service has got smaller. HS2’s future is uncertain. We have Tube trains half a century old.

Policing? It is astounding that the political party which, for decades, has congratulated itself for being “tough” on law and order has obliged the Met to sell police stations and the Mayor to hike his share of Council Tax to even partly bridge its funding gap. Meanwhile, warranted officers continue to fill in for support staff because the “back office” has been thinned out, much of their IT equipment is substandard and the rest of the criminal justice system is on its knees. Crime has been rising? Surely not.

London has the highest productivity of any UK region – over 40 per cent higher per job than the UK average. Yet its productivity growth has stalled and it performs quite poorly compared with similar cities in other countries. Why? Because although London’s economy has continued to prop the country up, it isn’t making the most of itself. As well as infrastructure failings it has shortages of labour and of skills. Business groups have worked out what needs to be done, but who in Westminster has been listening?

All across the city find evidence of uphill struggles and warning signs of decline. High streets are besieged by clutter, neglect and petty theft. “People are so sick,” a local GPs told me recently, “I’ve never known it so bad.” The Mayor spoke last week of the legacy of Covid weighing heavily on London children who missed out on education during lockdowns. Borough councils strain every day for new ways to maintain services and make ends meet. Poverty, which some still believe doesn’t exist in “rich London”, grinds on.

The general election campaign is underway. Presumably, it won’t be long before Prime Minister Sunak, having already announced a tax giveaway for pensioners and the return of “national service” for the young, has a dig at London as a place where un-British values thrive. His five-bedroom house in Kensington and Old Brompton Road apartment won’t deter him from depicting Labour’s Keir Starmer as a well-off “north London lawyer” out of touch with the lives of “real people”.

Be glad that it seems unlikely to do him any good and that he’s running out of days at Number 10. But how hopeful should we be about the man and administration on course to replace him? London cannot expect Starmer to be its special friend: his victory, should it come, will primarily be owed to voters elsewhere; the capital has no monopoly on need for government help.

There are, though, grounds for cautious hope that he will recognise the city’s vital importance to his core cause of greater economic growth, that his housing policies will stay ambitious, and that his recent summit with Labour Mayors reflected a strategic purpose. Talk of deeper devolution, arguably the key to helping London help the country better by having more powers to help itself, continues.

London has not been through a war, but it’s been damaged by successive batterings, including attacks launched from Downing Street. A Labour government should waste no time getting London put back together again.

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Categories: Comment

Lewis Baston: London Tories can take a little heart from recent borough by-elections

As well as voting for a Mayor and London Assembly members on 2 May, Londoners in 15 wards elected new councillors in borough by-elections. As is customary, I’ve analysed all the results for On London although perceptive readers will note that this a large batch of them reported later and with less local colour than usual.

Overall, the Conservatives will have taken some heart from scoring two gains at Labour expense and from most of the by-elections showing a small swing from Labour in their favour. This was consistent with the last set of borough elections in May 2022 seeing Labour finish 16 points ahead of the Tories across Greater London as a whole, whereas Labour’s 2024 mayoral win was by 11 points.

***

The contests were scattered across the city and had various different causes and dynamics. The approach of the general election, since announced, was a factor in several of them.

Two Hackney Labour councillors vacated their seats mid-term because they had been selected as parliamentary candidates: Steve Race (Hoxton East & Shoreditch) for the Labour seat of Exeter and Polly Billington (De Beauvoir) for the target marginal Thanet East.

Another sign of Labour’s ambitions in the south of England was that Tom Rutland stood down from Lambeth Council (Streatham Common & Vale ward) in pursuit of the East Worthing & Shoreham parliamentary seat, which has never previously been won by his party.

Meanwhile, Conservative Aisha Cuthbert gave up her council seat in Bromley (Shortlands & Park Langley) to fight the Kent parliamentary seat of Sittingbourne & Sheppey, which still seems reasonably safe for the Tories.

A vacancy in Lewisham’s Deptford ward was created in March because Brenda Dacres secured a different kind of promotion by being elected Mayor of Lewisham in a by-election for that position.

Moving out rather than hoping for a move up was the reason for Camden’s opposition Conservative group leader Gio Spinella (Frognal) to leave the council. “I am tired, I feel drained and I have nothing more to contribute,” he said. It was a candid statement about how even a dedicated and energetic local politician can burn out. I wish him a successful period of recharging his batteries.

Work commitments led Conservative Jade Appleton (Park Hill & Whitgift) to step down from Croydon council. Her Croydon colleague Mike Bonello, who represented Woodside for Labour, had also felt the pressure of work. In Islington, former mayor Dave Poyser concluded that after a decade representing Hillrise for Labour his “time was up”. Conservatives Alan Chapman (Hillingdon, Hillingdon East ward) and Stuart Graham (Kensington & Chelsea, Norland) have moved out of their respective boroughs.

Two of the by-elections resulted from Labour councillors falling out with their party. Lara Parizotto resigned from the party in October 2023 over the Labour leadership’s response to the war in Gaza, and from her Brentford West seat on Hounslow Council in March. Sonia Winifred (Lambeth, Knight’s Hill) resigned after voting for a Green Party resolution on Gaza in defiance of the Labour group position.

***

Six of the 15 by-elections produced Labour holds with little competition. They were:

  • Croydon, Woodside
  • Hackney, Hoxton East & Shoreditch
  • Islington, Hillrise
  • Lambeth, Knight’s Hill
  • Lambeth, Streatham Common & Vale
  • Lewisham, Deptford

The Labour winner in Croydon Woodside, Jessica Hammersley-Rich, has become yet another London councillor also selected as a parliamentary candidate, in her case for Michael Gove’s Surrey Heath constituency. She is very unlikely to win there, but with a name like hers is maybe destined to become a hard-line Labour Chancellor. She would certainly be a headline-writer’s dream.

Faruk Tinaz held Hackney’s Hoxton East with ease and Ollie Steadman did the same in Islington Hillrise, as did Emma Louise Nye in Lambeth Knight’s Hill.

In Lambeth’s Streatham Common & Vale, Sarah Louise Cole’s win by the comfortable margin of 1,385 votes over the “Local Conservative” runner-up was nonetheless Labour worst performance of the day in terms of swing. Campaigning was dominated by one of London’s most controversial Low Traffic Neighbourhood schemes. It was “suspended” in March, a move welcomed by Sadiq Khan. This drew the sting from by-election opposition, but memories were raw enough to make Labour’s vote share droop.

The best Labour result was in Lewisham Deptford, building on an increased share it won in a by-election in the same ward last autumn. Mayor Dacres is succeeded by David Walker.

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Two wards saw Labour hold back serious challenges:

  • Hackney, De Beauvoir
  • Hounslow, Brentford West

Labour had squeaked home in a July 2022 by-election in De Beauvoir ward, finishing just 27 votes ahead of a Green Party candidate. It afterwards emerged that the “personal reasons” given for the previous Labour councillor’s resignation was a police investigation that would later result in his admitting three counts of possessing indecent images of children. There was, then, clearly a chance of Labour losing. However, Jasmine Martins fended off the latest Green challenge, this time by 119 votes.

In Hounslow’s Brentford West ward, Labour’s main opposition came from Theo Dennison, a former council cabinet member who left Labour amid acrimony during the 2018-22 term, running as an Independent. Dennison is a political campaigns consultant whose clients include George Galloway’s Workers’ Party. He claims a share of the credit for Galloway’s parliamentary by-election win in Rochdale. But Labour’s Emma Yates prevailed.

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Two wards were gained by the Conservatives from Labour:

  • Sutton, St Helier West
  • Wandsworth, West Putney

These were in wards where Labour had broken new ground in the 2022, taking a St Helier West seat in the Liberal Democrat stronghold of Sutton for the first time and gaining two seats in Wandsworth’s West Putney ward as it won control of the former Tory flagship for the first time since 1974. In both cases, the ward seats were split between Labour and Conservative councillors.

This time, the outcome in the Sutton ward was ignominious for Labour, which slid to third place as the Tory candidate Catherine Gray (pictured) won by just six votes from the Lib Dem in second. The ward contains part of the St Helier council-built housing estate, which the straddles the Sutton-Merton border. It has tended to the Lib Dems with the Conservatives gaining ground recently. Gray’s win will, of  course, be welcome but the squeeze of the Labour vote in a ward within the Tory-held marginal Carshalton & Wallington parliamentary seat could be ominous for the party.

In the Wandsworth ward, planning issues were important in the campaign, particularly in relation to densification and housing. The Putney Society has been among civic groups arguing that the Labour council has deviated from its Local Plan. The swing of five per cent to the Tories in the seat was enough for their candidate Nick Austin to win it. Reproduced across the borough it would probably be enough to secure a narrow Town Hall majority.

***

Two wards saw Labour perform well in outer London areas without winning:

  • Bromley, Shortlands & Park Langley
  • Croydon, Park Hill & Whitgift

Sutton aside, the 2 May by-elections revealed the same absence of an inner-outer polarisation seen in voting for Mayor of London. The general run of results suggested a small swing to Conservative since 2012, but in these affluent suburban wards the swing was in the other direction.

Labour’s slow advance in Bromley continued, though Tory Gemma Jade Turrell won Shortlands & Park Langley by 848 votes. In Croydon’s Park Hill & Whitgift ward there was much sharper movement in Labour’s favour, even though Conservative Andrew Price won. This will encourage the party after its reverses in the borough two years ago. The contest was notable also for Andrew Pelling’s debut as a Lib Dem. During his long Croydon political career spanning different types of elections, Pelling has already represented both the Conservatives and Labour and well as running as an Independent.

***

Finally, three wards resulted in comfortable Tory holds.

  • Camden, Frognal
  • Hillingdon, Hillingdon East.
  • Kensington & Chelsea, Norland.

Steven Adams won in Frognal, Martin Kelly won in Hillingdon East by over 1,500 votes and Stéphanie Petit won on Norland with a 51 per cent share.

***

Taken together, the 15 borough council by-election results suggest that London is likely to be a low-swing region in the forthcoming general election, counterbalancing Labour’s better than national average performances in 2017 and 2019.

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Categories: Analysis

Soho down the decades – where ‘all the world lives’

There is no better source for understanding the type of British beliefs that powered Brexit than the comment threads beneath old film footage of London on YouTube.

Nostalgia for a Golden Age since “lost” to immigrants is a common theme, typically induced by credulous exposure to post-war state propaganda productions in which all the streets are spotless and all the Londoners are cheery, polite and white.

Those were the days, lament the more benign. Nastier types seethe that London has become a “third world shit-hole”.

Yet the capital in the late-1940s and 1950s was still brutally bomb-damaged, deeply traumatised and its very heart was full of people with roots in foreign lands. And that cosmopolitanism was often relished. Try this tongue-in-cheek 1955 Pathé News piece.

Three decades later, Soho was still remarked upon as an international melting pot, along with being the last bastion of the British film industry and a place where Stradivarius-repairers, shoemakers to the rich and famous, “vice” and 6,000 residents co-existed. This 1985 documentary in John Pitman’s celebrated Just Another Day series, captures it all beautifully. I’m grateful to an On London supporter for bringing it to my attention.

Finally, Soho Boho, an hour-long BBC Four show, first broadcast in 2005, featuring George Melly, Bernard Kops, Anne Valery and more. It describes a creative square mile that enticed “the young and the restless from near and far” to a place that was simultaneously villagey and and dodgy and whose streets offered “the next best thing to a holiday abroad”.

I hope you enjoy all three films.

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Categories: Culture

Sadiq Khan sticks to Green Belt line and awaits Labour ‘grey belt’ policy detail

Sadiq Khan has reaffirmed his commitment to preventing development on Green Belt land within Greater London while acknowledging he would need to “work to understand” what any loosening of related planning restrictions by a future Labour national government would mean for the capital.

Speaking at Mayor’s Question Time on Thursday, the first such event since his re-election on 2 May, the Mayor told newly-elected Conservative London Assembly member Alessandro Georgiou that “London’s Green Belt is as important today as it has always been” and that the policies for protecting it in his London Plan, City Hall’s master blueprint for the capital’s development, continue to reflect his view of it.

“I remain committed to a ‘brownfield first’ approach,” Khan said, adding that “we shouldn’t let the debate on Green Belt distract us from the core task of delivering the housing Londoners need”. He said the city has “a pipeline of residential permissions equivalent to seven years’ supply” but adverse economic conditions meant the houses weren’t being built. Measures to change this included “infrastructure investment and greater flexibility for the affordable homes programme”.

Suggestions that Khan might be preparing to take a more flexible approach to Green Belt restrictions followed the absence from his 2024 manifesto of a restatement of his determination to protect it and Labour leader Keir Starmer speaking publicly about requiring councils across the country to include so-called “grey belt” land – designated Green Belt but deemed of poor quality and perhaps already built on – along with brownfield among sites considered suitable for new housing.

Referring to this as “downgraded” support for the Green Belt by Labour, Alessandro said Labour-run councils were already being “soft” on Green Belt protection, including Enfield’s, of which he is leader of the opposition Tory group of councillors.

Enfield’s long-gestating new Local Plan, which has sharply divided political opinion in the borough, proposes more than 9,000 new homes on Green Belt land. Khan has previously called the plans “unjustified” and “premature”. Asked by Alessandro to “confirm that you will protect the Green Belt during your term”, Khan assured him City Hall’s response to all boroughs’ Local Plans would be in line with existing London Plan Green Belt policies.

Elaborating, Khan recognised that in “exceptional circumstances” particular pieces of Green Belt line can be de-designated and noted that there have long been examples of particular locations that might be termed “grey belt”. Labour has mentioned a disused petrol station in Tottenham as an example. “But it’s a slippery slope,” Khan said, underlining his view that “we’ve got to protect” Green Belt land and that there are “sufficient brownfield sites for us to build homes for the foreseeable future”.

On Labour’s “grey belt” rule proposal, he said: “I understand the intention of a potential Labour government is to look at the grey belt – brownfield sites in the Green Belt. I haven’t seen the detail of what this approach would involve and would work to understand what this would mean for London if and when that happens.”

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Categories: News

James Cracknell: What does Enfield Whitewebbs Park legal challenge mean for London boroughs’ open space?

Despite losing 4-0 to Manchester United in the FA Cup Final on 12 May, there’s no doubt the Tottenham Hotspur Women’s team is on the up. It was only five years ago that the club won promotion to the Women’s Super League and turned professional. Until 2022, they were training at a school in Mill Hill.

But since opening the new Spurs stadium in 2019, the club’s chairman Daniel Levy has made the development of the women’s team one of his key long-term projects. He signalled his ambition last year when breaking the domestic transfer record in signing star striker Bethany England for a reported fee of £250,000.

One of the club’s top priorities is to create a women’s football training academy, ideally located close to the Tottenham Hotspur Training Centre where the men’s and youth teams train. This was opened in 2012 on a site in Bulls Cross, Enfield, and contains 17 football pitches.

A temporary training facility for the women’s team was opened two years ago within that existing site, but the club has set its sights on a much grander, permanent facility being built on Whitewebbs Park next door, with ten pitches dedicated solely to women’s and girls’ football.

This, to say the least, has proven controversial locally. Whitewebbs Park has been a public open space since 1931, when the estate surrounding Whitewebbs House was sold to Middlesex County Council “for the purposes of a public open space, public parks, walks, pleasure grounds and sports grounds”. The park was later inherited by Enfield Council following Middlesex’s absorption into Greater London.

Soon after the park was created, a municipal golf course was opened on its eastern side, designed by former Open champion John Henry Taylor. This remained until 2021, when the council closed it, cited high maintenance costs. Visitors were always able to walk through the course – indeed, the park’s main footpath bisected it – but as I once experienced myself on a jog through the park, they sometimes had to dodge errant golf balls.

The course’s closure had been on the cards since 2019, when the council began a tendering exercise to find an outside organisation to either run it on a commercial basis or perhaps suggest “other leisure uses and/or rewilding of the landscape”. Local residents had already sussed out what was going on. At an environment forum meeting at Enfield Civic Centre that year, council officers were asked directly whether Tottenham Hotspur was one of the bidders for the park.

Whitewebbs park (20)

A few months after the golf course’s closure in March 2021, the council confirmed the frontrunner for the lease was indeed Spurs, who hoped to use the park for its much-desired women’s football academy. The site, from the club’s view, was perfect. Essentially, only a footpath and a stream separated it from the existing Spurs training centre, and a direct link between the two sites would end up forming part of the plans.

Closing the golf course prior to agreeing the lease with Spurs, however, proved to be a strategic error on the council’s part. Suddenly, visitors to Whitwebbs were able to wander freely without fear of being hit on the head by a golf ball.

The area rewilded naturally, with flowers soon dotting the former fairways and greens. Dog-walkers no longer felt restricted to the paths and could allow their pets to roam across the sprawling site. While some residents still bemoaned the loss of the golf course and wanted it reopened, the main focus of the Save Whitewebbs campaign was on preserving the new openness of the park.

The proposed 25-year lease encompasses the whole area of the former golf course plus some of the adjoining woodland (54 per cent of the park in total), even though Tottenham Hotspur only needs to use a third of this area to create its women’s football academy.

However, in return for being allowed to fence off a site equivalent to 18 per cent of the park, the club has pledged to maintain the rest of the leased area as open parkland, while investing in biodiversity improvements, creating a new woodland area by planting 3,000 trees, and building a new visitor centre with a “community hub” and cafe (replacing an existing one).

It will give the council £1.5million up front, spend £500,000 on improvements to the park and, while only paying a peppercorn rent, save the civic centre £140,000 per year in reduced costs.

The lease was agreed by the council’s Labour administration in July 2023, although it will only commence once Spurs win planning permission for the women’s academy. An application has been submitted.

Whitewebbs park (10)

Enter, Friends of Whitewebbs Park chair Sean Wilkinson. The retired headteacher, a figurehead for the Save Whitewebbs campaign, has long threatened legal action. Last November, Wilkinson secured permission to launch a judicial review of Enfield’s decision to lease the land backed by tens of thousands of pounds raised from a crowdfunding campaign to pay for legal support from the Public Interest Law Centre. a

In February, a High Court judge heard three days of evidence. The two main questions to be addressed were, firstly, whether the council was within its rights to decide to enclose an area of a park it had acquired under a statutory trust to ensure “the public’s enjoyment of open space” and, secondly, whether, in making that decision it had followed due process.

The answer to first question has the biggest implications beyond the boundaries of Enfield, as it sets a legal precedent that could influence future attempts to enclose bits of land supposedly protected as open space.

Among such attempts elsewhere in London is the bid by the All England Lawn Tennis Club to build an 8,000-seat stadium on the golf course it owns at Wimbledon Park directly opposite its existing venue for the world’s most famous tennis tournament.

Merton Council granted planning permission for the development last year despite the existence of a covenant protecting the land as open space. (Neighbouring Wandsworth, which contains a small part of the application area, refused permission and the scheme as a whole is now in the hands of City Hall).

What has the judge decided? I attended the entire High Court hearing. While there was plenty of legal jargon to sit through, it proved to be a fascinating case and the written verdict, published last Friday, is indeed significant.

On the first ground for appeal – the claim that the council had “no power to dispose of a lease” under the Local Government Act 1972 “in such a manner that members of the public are unable to obtain access to some part of the park” – the judge ruled that because the proposed training facility will “have a social and educational element”, will “foster a large element of community access and support women’s and girls’ football locally” and will “not be confined to commercial football training” it should be allowed to proceed.

On the other three grounds – all relating to the council’s own decision-making process, including the claim councillors were “misled” by not being explicitly told about the park’s status as public trust land before voting to approve the lease – the judge also threw out Wilkinson’s case.

The implication is that, yes, councils do have the power to allow legally-protected open space to be permanently or semi-permanently enclosed, as long as it can be demonstrated that some level of community access will be retained, that there will be wider social benefits, and that there is at least a continuation of the type of activity (in this case, sporting) for which the open land was previously reserved.

On these points, supporters of the Save Whitewebbs campaign vehemently disagree. They still argue that Spurs and the council cannot be trusted to deliver the benefits they have promised, that access to the women’s training academy will be limited to elite athletes – most of whom will have no connection whatsoever to the borough of Enfield – and that the lease agreement itself is only of negligible financial benefit to the council.

In a statement issued in response to the judgement, Wilkinson warned that it “includes important decisions that adversely affect public open spaces in Enfield and potentially in the whole of London and beyond” and declared “this is far too important an issue for us to abandon the case”.

Might London borough councils now rush to fence off their parks to help plug holes in their budgets? In many cases, they already are. Haringey has received criticism for the many large events it hosts at Finsbury Park each year, many of which see significant sections of the park fenced off for weeks during the peak summer season. But the council argues that such events are needed for covering maintenance costs and to pay for improvements.

Several other London councils have made similar calculations when it comes to their parks, spurred on by repeated and severe cuts to their central government grants since 2010. It remains a balancing act for councils, often with outcomes people who enjoy these parks will no doubt continue to oppose.

The Save Whitewebbs campaign is not quietly going away. Harriet Child, a solicitor with the Public Interest Law Centre, confirmed that it would be seeking leave to appeal against the High Court verdict. She said:

“Public trust land was one of the great and radical advances to come out of the public backlash against development encroaching on people’s ability to access open space. It’s terribly sad that we’ve lost sight of that as a society. This judgment shows a willingness to sell land to private companies that people fought so hard to protect for the public nearly 100 years ago. We have earlier generations to thank for their existence and we need to safeguard them for the future. This has always been a fight led by grassroots campaigners and we cannot – and will not – give up now.”

James Cracknell is editor of the Enfield Dispatch. He took all the photographs accompanying this article. Follow James on X/Twitter. Support Onlondon.co.uk and its freelance writers for just £5 a month of £50 a year and get things for your money too. Details HERE.

Categories: Analysis

John Vane: London Fiction – The Adventure of the Bruce-Partington Plans

It starts as follows:

“In the third week of November, in the year 1895, a dense yellow fog settled down upon London. From the Monday to the Thursday I doubt whether it was ever possible from our windows in Baker Street to see the loom of the opposite houses.”

Love that use of the word “loom”. It came from the pen of John H. Watson, better known as Dr Watson, which came from the pen of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, creator of Watson and of his talented, sometimes difficult, friend, Sherlock Holmes.

The Baker Street address of Holmes – a private renter, by the way – didn’t exist at the time he was invented, but the “pea soupers” of that period are quite easily imagined with the help of movie adaptations and Victorian London’s criminal folklore.

This particular Holmes story, a short one contained in the volume His Last Bow, opens with the great detective very bored. ‘The London criminal is certainly a dull fellow,” he remarks, before his London day is brightened – metaphorically rather than meteorologically – by a telegram from his brother Mycroft, who does something obscurely important for the government. There’s been a theft of military secrets and the death on the Underground of one Arthur Cadogan West. Are the two things connected? By Jove, yes!

Holmes’s investigation is a joy for London nerds, especially if they’re big on the Tube. Within a few pages we’re at Aldgate station – not yet 20 years old in the year the story is set – with the sleuth and his sidekick, where the former makes the, for him, elementary deduction that young West had not fallen from the “Metropolitan train” itself but from its roof. Next question: how did he come to be up there?

Then we’re off to Woolwich, home of the Royal Arsenal, which is portrayed as a place that lay quite outside London, and after that to an Italian restaurant in Gloucester Road which, despite Watson thinking it “garish”, served coffee and curaçao with cigars Holmes deemed “less poisonous than one would expect”. And before you know it they’re leaning out of a Kensington window overlooking a point where “the Underground runs clear of tunnels”.

Whodunnit? And how? I long to tell you, but must not. I will instead confine myself to revealing that the stolen plans had been for a new submarine designed by the Bruce-Partington of the story’s title and that the fog played a vital part in enabling the villainy and its dastardly but failed concealment.

Naturally, Holmes penetrates the fog. In the process, Conan Doyle, through the medium of Watson, takes us on a vivid journey through the capital and it downstream surroundings, capturing in fragments of observation the London of its time in all its imperial murk.

There are eight Holmes stories in His Last Bow, but only one other is set within the boundaries of today’s Greater London – Croydon, as it happens, and we don’t get much of a feel for what the place was like back then. The story in question, though, contains a lovely description of Holmes’s relationship with the city:

“He loved to lie in the very centre of five millions of people, with his filaments stretching out and running through them, responsive to every little rumour or suspicion of unsolved crime.”

What a guy. But only five million…?

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Categories: Culture, John Vane's London Stories

Dave Hill: Would Labour give Sadiq Khan more powers to help London’s private renters?

Private sector housing “rent control” – the quote marks are there for a reason – excites political passions like few other issues. Its polarising powers bear comparison with those of Brexit. In London, only road-user charging stirs comparably strong views, and in its case only Conservatives are so maddened by it they become strangers to reason – hence the totemic prominence they gave the Ultra-Low Emission Zone expansion in the mayoral election campaign.

By contrast, “rent control” makes Left and Right alike lose their minds, at least at their outer fringes. Mere mention of the term has certain types of Tory howling totalitarian comparisons with Cuba or Zimbabwe, while in the monochrome moral mindset of the hard Left the case for the state curtailing the profits of “greedy landlords” is unanswerable.

There are problems with both types of response: the Left sticks it fingers in its ears when told that “rent control” in practice has had an array of unintended consequences, including making it harder for people on low incomes to find somewhere to live; the Right averts its gaze from the damaging rise in rents in the capital of late, because to act against it would be to threaten “freedom” – meaning the freedom of some of them and ideological allies to exploit.

Against that backdrop London’s private rented housing sector has become a growing, major component of its intensifying housing emergency. Too many families are stuck in it, often in inadequate conditions. Sky-high rents are causing homelessness, fraying the city’s social fabric. Such rents are also making it harder for London to attract and retain the workforce it needs, simply because workers, from cleaners to schoolteachers, can’t afford to live in the city. The capital’s economy, so vital to the whole nation, is being damaged.

The argument for action seems overwhelming. But what type of action? The urgency of the question has been intensified of late by shadow chancellor Rachel Reeves triggering a flurry of headlines after saying in a radio interview that restraints on rent rises might be acceptable in some specific geographical areas, and by the publication of a Labour-commissioned independent report on the sector in the UK as a whole.

The commission’s report is principally authored by Stephen Cowan, leader of Hammersmith & Fulham Council, along with legal expert William Hunter, former Shelter policy manager Rose Grayston and Jacky Peacock, head of policy at Advice for Renters. It is informed by an impressive range of experts, including housing ombudsman Richard Blakeway, senior figures from Grainger PLC and Christine Whitehead of the LSE.

It looks at not only “rent control” but also the regulation of other aspects of the sector, including tenants’ security and property standards, along with, crucially, the need for change to form part of “a holistic approach to fixing all parts of the housing market”. And it recommends a “comprehensive, annually updated National Landlords Register” as “the essential mechanism for managing and enforcing standards”, with landlords required to prove their properties comply with the Decent Home Standard, a complete, long overdue, end to “no fault evictions”, measures to prevent landlords moving into the short-term lets market instead and, yes, “rent control” – but of a particular kind.

The report fully recognises “the overwhelming consensus among economists” that what are defined as “first generation rent controls”, especially compulsory freezes or cuts “do not work and are harmful”. It congratulates Labour on its “good decision” to rule out such measures. It documents the “unhappy history” of rent freezes in recent times, notably in Berlin where the policy produced the outcome its critics feared: a decline in the number of properties available, probably a permanent one.

The report is ultimately sceptical, too, about so-called “second generation controls” which “seek to govern rent increases both within and between tenancies”. It arrives at a preference for “third generation” controls which would operate within tenancies only and entail rises being linked to either local wage growth or consumer price index inflation, whichever is the lower. Rises could happen only once a year and a four-month notice period would have to be given. The term “rent stabilisation” is preferred.

Cowan and colleagues show their working in some detail, summarising the thinking of economists of Left and Right, including the late Richard Arnott who in 1995 called for a more nuanced assessment of rent regulation methods in view of newer, “soft” types functioning in North America which differed from the “hard” forms brought in after World War II in New York and many European countries. It was Arnott who came up with the three generations distinction.

The report politely distances itself from those who’ve looked for measures to cut rents rather than moderate increases, including campaigners Generation Rent, the National Renter Manifesto and Sadiq Khan’s blueprint for reforming private renting, published in 2019. Yet it also has important things in common with some of them.

Both Generation Rent, which had input into the report, and the Mayor’s proposals acknowledge potential negative impacts, which have long been known about – a calculation of these was produced for the London Assembly by Cambridge University academics nearly ten years ago. Generation Rent applauded the report’s endorsement of a rent stabilisation mechanism. The Mayor’s blueprint said controls on rents in London “should be implemented gradually over time” to “avoid unintended consequences”.

The new report is alive to the full variety of problems in London, where 30 per cent of dwellings are privately rented (around twice the proportion at the start of the century), rents routinely devour 40 per cent of incomes, and the bottom end of the market is rife with criminality, overcrowding, poverty and vulnerable tenants.

Reeves’s comments about restraints on rents perhaps being acceptable in specific areas raises the intriguing question of whether a near-future Labour government might give London’s Labour Mayor the opportunity to pilot a rent stabilisation scheme of the type the Labour-commissioned report favours.

Only last month it was reported that Khan had had no luck persuading his party’s leadership to move in that direction. But Keir Starmer’s post-mayoral election summit with all of England’s Labour Mayors seemed to point to possible closer collaborations, perhaps embracing cities serving as test beds for policy innovation. In London, many renters’ fingers are crossed.

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Categories: Analysis

Barnaby Towns: Why can’t Tories win London?

Why can’t the Conservatives win in London? In the 1980s, Labour had a London problem. In 1987, despite a general election swing to Labour nationally, the Tories gained seats in the capital: Battersea, Lewisham West and Lewisham East. This counter-cyclical trend was repeated in London borough elections of 1990, allowing the Tories to showcase Wandsworth and Westminster wins.

A generation on, the Tories have lost those London flagships and now control only five of the 32 boroughs. They face a possible general election wipe-out in London, with the recent mayoral election result a taste of things to come.

Whatever the answer to the party’s London problem is, it wasn’t the gaffe-prone and politically tone-deaf Susan Hall. After an inept campaign spanning 10 months, Hall achieved a three per cent swing away from the Tories towards Sadiq Khan, who won an unprecedented third term.

Not that 2 May went well for the Tories anywhere in England – they lost nearly 500 council seats. But effective, two-term West Midlands Mayor Andy Street lost in equally deeply Labour territory by only around 1,500 votes out of over 600,000 cast. He also conceded gracefully, something which eluded Hall.

Why did it go so badly wrong, despite the fact that the Tory government under former Mayor of London Boris Johnson had taken the trouble to try to rig the election by changing the voting system and introducing Voter ID?

To be fair, not all of the Tory London car-crash was Hall’s fault. When a party is 20 points behind in national polling, becoming its mayoral candidate in a Labour-leaning city isn’t an enticing career prospect. Big names with records of big-budget accomplishments are difficult to attract. The Tories’ best substitute for that – selecting their candidate early – has never really worked.

Credibility helps. Ken Livingstone, a winning candidate in 2000 and 2004, had already run the old Greater London Council. The Tory runner-up in those years, Steve Norris, had been transport minister in London after the GLC was abolished. Sadiq Khan had been a London MP and a government minister. On top of their credentials, all had fluent knowledge about issues without which a candidate can easily come unstuck on the campaign trail, as Hall, despite having led Harrow Council, discovered.

In the absence of experience, celebrity stardust can compensate. Turning to Johnson for the 2008 election didn’t deliver the Tories a hands-on, hardworking Mayor, but it did twice get them through the door of City Hall, making possible eight years in which Tory local government veterans Simon Milton and Eddie Lister did the heavy lifting.

Ever the opportunist, Johnson wasn’t afraid to distance himself from his party to accommodate London’s interests and left-leaning ideological bent. Norris, too, though unsuccessful against the then very popular Livingstone, differentiated himself from the national party, which was nearly as unpopular back then as it is today. Livingstone’s independence from Tony Blair’s Labour, literally so in his first campaign, also was popular.

Worse than standing in her party’s dark shadow, Hall, like Zac Goldsmith and Shaun Bailey before her, was strikingly out of touch with the capital’s voters – all three were Brexiteers in a city that voted 60 per cent Remain in 2016, and may be even more that way inclined today.

In pursuit of a minority of London voters, Hall chose “wrong side of history” issues over common sense. Tories once opposed the Congestion Charge. It is now accepted by all. Yet Hall strongly opposed the Ultra-Low Emission Zone extension. Yes, the issue helped the Tories win the Uxbridge & South Ruislip by-election, but that is only one parliamentary seat out of London’s 73.

Such positioning made Hall’s campaign negative and narrow, according to her former Harrow deputy leader, Barry Macleod-Cullinane, who endorsed Khan. Unfailingly out of touch with key mayoral issues, when asked on LBC how much people pay to get on a London bus, Hall replied: “I don’t use them.” Her social media missteps, including seeming to endorse Enoch Powell and the term “Londonistan”, popular with alt-Right groups, should have been spotted by party managers, pre-selection, before her opponents could exploit them.

In this, Hall repeated the mistakes of Goldsmith, who tried to associate Khan’s Muslim faith with terrorism, and of Bailey, who had claimed that accommodating Muslim and Hindu festivals “robs Britain of its community” and risked turning it into a “crime-ridden cesspool.” Can the Tories win London back? Not like this.

Barnaby Towns was a senior campaign adviser to Conservative mayoral candidate Steve Norris in 2000 and 2004. Support OnLondon.co.uk and its writers for just £5 a month or £50 a year and get things for your money too. Details HERE.

Categories: Comment